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                      LONDON 1757-1775

by Benjamin Franklin
_William Franklin to the
Printer of the Citizen:
A Defense of the Quakers and the
Pennsylvania Assembly_

_Some Account of the late Disputes between the Assembly of_ Pensylvania, _and their present Governor_ William Denny, _Esq;_

In our _Magazine_, _Vol._ xxv. p. 87 _Vol._ xxvi. _p._ 28. we have given a very particular account of the disputes between the assembly of _Pensylvania_ and the late Governor _Morris_, which had exactly the same cause, and produced exactly the same effects, as the late dispute between this assembly and Mr _Denny_.

The acting governor, who is only lieutenant governor, besides the royal instructions, receives instructions from the proprietaries. By these proprietary instructions the governor is required not to pass any bill for taxing their quit rents, their located unimproved lands, and their purchase money at interest, but the assembly have ever been determined to frame no money bill, in which these quit rents, lands, and money shall be exempted, for the following reasons.

1st, Because they conceive that neither the proprietaries nor any other power on earth, ought to interfere between them and their sovereign, either to modify or refuse their free gifts and grants for his majesty's service.

2d, Because though the governor may be under obligations to the proprietaries, yet he is under greater to the crown, and to the people he is appointed to govern, to promote the service of his majesty, and preserve the rights of his subjects, and protect them from their cruel enemies.

3d. Because a tax laid comformable to the proprietary instructions, could not possibly produce the necessary supply. By these instructions all the proprietors estate, except a trifle, and all located unimproved lands, to whomsoever belonging, are to be exempted. There remains then to be taxed, only the improved lands, houses, and personal estates of the people. Now it is well known, from the tax books, that there are not in the province more than 20,000 houses, including those of the towns with those on plantations. If these, with the improved lands annexed to them, and the personal estate of those that inhabit them, are worth, one with another, 250_l_. each, it may, we think, be reckoned their full value; then multiply 20,000 the number of houses, by 250_l_. the value of each estate, and the produce is 5,000,000_l_. for the full value of all our estates, real and personal, the unimproved lands excepted. Now three _per cent._ on five millions is but one hundred and fifty thousand pounds; and four shillings in the pound on one hundred and fifty thousand pounds, being but a fifth part, is no more than thirty thousand pounds; so that we ought to have near seventeen millions to produce, by such a tax, one hundred thousand pounds.

4th. Because the bill (*) which they have prepared, without the exceptions required in the proprietaries instructions, is exactly conformable to an act lately passed by a former governor, and allowed by the crown.

(*) _In the bill which passed in_ March _last, the proprietary estate was not taxed, that matter being intended to be referred to the determination of superior authority in_ England.

It is indeed matter of equal astonishment and concern, that in this time of danger and distress, when the utmost unanimity and dispatch is necessary to the preservation of life, liberty, and estate, a governor should be sent to our colonies with such instructions as must inevitably produce endless dispute and delay, and prevent the assembly from effectually opposing the _French_ upon any other condition, than the giving up their rights as _Englishmen_.

The assembly, indeed, have been stigmatized as obstinate, fanatical, and disaffected; and reproached as the authors of every calamity under which they suffer. A paragraph in one of the public papers, which lately ecchoed the charge that has been long urged against them, has been answered by Mr _William Franklin_ of _Philadelphia_, who is now in _England_. We shall insert the paragraph and reply at large, as we cannot exhibit any other representation with equal authority.

_To the Printer of the_ CITIZEN. _SIR,_ In your Paper of the 9th Instant, I observe the following Paragraph, viz. `The last Letters from Philadelphia bring Accounts of the Scalping the Inhabitants of the Back Provinces by the Indians: At the same Time the Disputes between the Governor and the Assembly are carried to as great a Height as ever, and the Messages sent from the Assembly to the Governor, and from the Governor to the Assembly, are expressed in Terms which give very little Hopes of a Reconciliation. The Bill to raise Money is clogged, so as to prevent the Governor from giving his Consent to it; and the Obstinacy of the Quakers in the Assembly is such, that they will in no Shape alter it: So that, while the Enemy is in the Heart of the Country, Cavils prevent any Thing being done for its Relief. -- Mr. Denny is the third Governor with whom the Assembly has had these Disputes within a few Years.'

As this Paragraph, like many others heretofore published in the Papers, is not founded on Truth, but calculated to prejudice the Public against the Quakers and People of Pennsylvania, you are desired to do that injured Province some Justice, in publishing the following Remarks; which would have been sent you sooner, had the Paper come sooner to my Hands.

1. That the Scalping of the Frontier Inhabitants by the Indians is not peculiar to Pennsylvania, but common to all the Colonies, in Proportion as their Frontiers are more or less extended and exposed to the Enemy. That the Colony of Virginia, in which there are very few, if any Quakers, and none in the Assembly, has lost more Inhabitants and Territory by the War than Pennsylvannia. That even the Colony of New York, with all its own Forces, a great Body of New-England Troops encamp'd on its Frontier, and the regular Army under Lord Loudoun, posted in different Places, has not been able to secure its Inhabitants from Scalping by the Indians; who coming secretly in very small Parties skulking in the Woods, must sometimes have it in their Power to surprize and destroy Travellers, or single Families settled in scattered Plantations, notwithstanding all the Care that can possibly be taken by any Government for their Protection. Centinels posted round an Army, while standing on their Guard, with Arms in their Hands, are often kill'd and scalp'd by Indians. How much easier must it be for such an Enemy to destroy a Ploughman at Work in his Field?

2. That the Inhabitants of the Frontiers of Pennsylvania are not Quakers, were in the Beginning of the War supplied with Arms and Ammunition by the Assembly, and have frequently defended themselves, and repelled the Enemy, being withheld by no Principle from Fighting; and the Losses they have suffer'd were owing entirely to their Situation, and the loose scattered Manner in which they had settled their Plantations and Families in the Woods, remote from each other, in Confidence of lasting Peace.

3. That the Disputes between the late and present Governors, and the Assembly of Pennsylvania, were occasioned, and are continued, chiefly by _new_ Instructions from the Proprietors to those Governors, forbidding them to pass any Laws to raise Money for the Defence of the Country, unless the proprietary Estate, or much the greatest Part of it, was exempted from the Tax to be raised by Virtue of such Laws, and other Clauses inserted in them, by which the Privileges long enjoyed by the People, and which they think they have a Right to, not only as Pennsylvanians, but as Englishmen, were to be extorted from them, under their present Distresses. The Quakers, who, tho' the first Settlers, are now but a small Part of the People of Pennsylvania, were concerned in those Disputes only as Inhabitants of the Province, and not as Quakers; and all the other Inhabitants join in opposing those Instructions, and contending for their Rights, the Proprietary Officers and Dependants only excepted, with a few of such as they can influence.

4. That though some Quakers have Scruples against bearing Arms, they have when most numerous in the Assembly, granted large Sums for the King's Use (as they expressed it) which have been applied to the Defence of the Province; for Instance, in 1755, and 1756, they granted the Sum of 55,000l. to be raised by a Tax on Estates real and personal, and 30,000l. to be raised by Excise on Spirituous Liquors; besides near 10,000l. in Flour, &c. to General Braddock and for cutting his Roads, and 10,000l. to General Shirley in Provisions for the New England and New-York Forces, then on the Frontiers of New-York; at the same Time that the Contingent Expences of Government to be otherwise provided for, were greatly and necessarily enhanced. That however, to remove all Pretence for Reflection on their Sect, as obstructing military Measures in Time of War, a Number of them voluntarily quitted their Seats in Assembly, in 1756; others requested their Friends not to chuse them in the ensuing Election, nor did any of that Profession stand as Candidates, or request a Vote for themselves at that Election, many Quakers refusing even to vote at all, and others voting for such Men as would, and did, make a considerable Majority in the House, who were not Quakers; and yet four of the Quakers, who were nevertheless chosen, refused to serve, and Writs were issued for new Elections, when four others, not Quakers, were chosen in their Places; that of 36 Members, the Number of which the House consists, there are not at the most above 12 of that Denomination, and those such as are well known to be for supporting the Government in Defence of the Country, but are too few, if they were against such a Measure, to prevent it.

5. That the Bill to raise Money said in the above Article of News, to be so clogged as to prevent the Governor from giving his Assent, was drawn in the same Form, and with the same Freedom from all Clogs, as that for granting 60,000l. which had been passed by the Governor in 1755, and received the Royal Approbation; that the real Clogs or Obstructions to its passing were not in the Bill, but in the above-mentioned proprietary Instructions; that the Governor having long refused his Assent to the Bill, did in Excuse of his Conduct, on Lord Loudoun's Arrival at Philadelphia, in March last, lay his Reasons before his Lordship, who was pleased to communicate them to one of the Members of the House, and patiently to hear what that Member had to say in Answer, the Governor himself being present; and that his Lordship did finally declare himself fully satisfied with the Answers made to those Reasons, and to give it as his Opinion to the Governor, that he ought immediately to pass the Bill, any Instructions he might have to the contrary from the Proprietors notwithstanding, which the Governor accordingly complied with, passed the Bill on the 22d of March, and the Money, being 100,000l. for the Service of the current Year, has been ever since actually expending in the Defence of the Province; so that the whole Story of the Bill's not passing, the clogging of the Bill by the Assembly, and the Obstinacy of the Quakers preventing its Passage, is absolutely a malicious and notorious Falshood.

6. The Assertion of the News-Writers, `That while the Enemy is in the Heart of the Country, Cavils prevent any Thing being done for its Relief,' is so far from being true: That First, the Enemy is not, nor ever was, in the Heart of the Country, having only molested the Frontier Settlements by their Parties. Secondly, More is done for the Relief and Defence of the Country, without any Assistance from the Crown, than is done perhaps by any other Colony in America; there having been, soon after the War broke out, the following Forts erected at the Province Expence, in a Line to cover the Frontier, viz. Henshaw's Fort on Delaware, Fort Hamilton, Fort Norris, Fort Allen, Fort Franklin, Fort Lebanon, Fort William Henry, Fort Augustus, Fort Halifax, Fort Granville, Fort Shirley, Fort Littleton, and Shippensburg Fort, besides several smaller Stockades and Places of Defence, garrisoned by Troops in the Pay of the Province, under whose Protection the Inhabitants, who at first abandoned their Frontier Settlements, returned generally to their Habitations, and many yet continue, though not without some Danger, to cultivate their Lands: By these Pennsylvanian Troops, under Col. Armstrong, the greatest Blow was given to the Enemy last Year on the Ohio that they have received during the War: in burning and destroying the Indian Town of Kittanning, and killing their great Captain Jacobs, with many other Indians, and recovering a Number of Captives of their own and the neighbouring Provinces: Besides the Garrisons, in the Forts, 1100 Soldiers are maintained on the Frontiers in Pay, being armed and accoutred by the Province, as ranging Companies.

And at Philadelphia, 15 Iron Cannon, 18 Pounders, were last Year purchased in England, and added to the 50 they had before, either mounted on their Batteries, or ready to be mounted, besides a Train of Artillery, being new Brass Field Pieces, 12 and 6 Pounders, with all their Appurtenances in extreme good Order, and a Magazine stored with Ammunition, a Quantity of large Bomb-shells, and above 2000 new Small Arms lately procured, exclusive of those in the Hands of the People. They have likewise this Summer fitted out a 20 Gun Province Ship of War, to scour the Coast of Privateers, and protect the Trade of that and the neighbouring Provinces, which is more than any other Colony to the Southward of New England has done. Pennsylvania also, by its Situation, covers the greatest Part of New Jersey, all the Government of the Delaware Countries, and great Part of Maryland, from the Invasions of the Indians, without receiving any Contribution from those Colonies, or the Mother-Country, towards the Expence.

The above are Facts, consistent with the Knowledge of the Subscriber, who but lately left Philadelphia, is now in London, is not, nor ever was, a Quaker, nor writes this at the Request of any Quaker, but purely to do Justice to a Province and People, of late frequently abused in nameless Papers and Pamphlets published in England. And he hereby calls upon the Writer of that Article of News to produce the Letters out of which, he says, he has drawn those Calumnies and Falshoods, or to take the Shame to himself. WILLIAM FRANKLIN. Pensylvania Coffee-house London, Sept. 16, 1757.
_The London Chronicle_, September 20, 1757
_Gentleman's Magazine_, September, 1757

_A Letter from Father Abraham, to His Beloved Son_

_Dear_ Isaac, You frequently desire me to give you some _Advice_, in Writing. There is, perhaps, no other valuable Thing in the World, of which so great a Quantity is _given_, and so little _taken_. Men do not generally err in their Conduct so much through Ignorance of their Duty, as thro Inattention to their own Faults, or thro strong Passions and bad Habits; and, therefore, till that Inattention is cured, or those Passions reduced under the Government of Reason, _Advice_ is rather resented as a Reproach, than gratefully acknowledged and followed.

Supposing then, that from the many good Sermons you have heard, good Books read, and good Admonitions received from your Parents and others, your Conscience is by this Time pretty well informed, and capable of advising you,if you attentively listen to it, I shall not fill this Letter with Lessons or Precepts of Morality and Religion; but rather recommend to you, that in order to obtain a _clear_ Sight and _constant_ Sense of your Errors, you would set apart a Portion of every Day for the Purpose of _Self-Examination_, and trying your daily Actions by that Rule of Rectitude implanted by GOD in your Breast. The properest Time for this, is when you are retiring to Rest; then carefully review the Transactions of the past Day; and consider how far they have agreed with _what you know_ of your Duty to God and to Man, in the several Relations you stand in of a Subject to the Government, Servant to your Master, a Son, a Neighbour, a Friend, _&c._ When, by this Means, you have discovered the Faults of the Day, acknowledge them to God, and humbly beg of him notonly Pardon for what is past, but Strength to fulfil your solemn Resolutions of guarding against them for the Future. Observing this Course steadily for some Time, you will find (through God's Grace assisting) that your Faults are continually diminishing, and your Stock of Virtue encreasing; in Consequence of which you will grow in Favour both with GOD and Man.

I repeat it, that for the Acquirement of solid, uniform, steady Virtue, nothing contributes more, than a daily strict
SELF-EXAMINATION, by the Lights of Reason, Conscience, and the Word of GOD; joined with firm Resolutions of amending what you find amiss, and fervent Prayer for Grace and Strength to execute those Resolutions. -- This Method is very antient. 'Twas recommended by _Pythagoras_, in his truly _Golden Verses_, and practised since in every Age, with Success, by Men of all Religions. Those golden Verses, as translated by _Rowe_, are well worth your Reading, and even getting by Heart. The Part relating to this Matter I have transcribed, to give you a Taste of them, _viz_.

Let not the stealing God of Sleep surprize, Nor creep in Slumbers on thy weary Eyes, Ere ev'ry Action of the former Day, _Strictly_ thou dost, and _righteously_ survey. With Rev'rence at thy own Tribunal stand, And answer justly to thy own Demand. Where have I been? In what have I transgrest? What Good or Ill has this Day's Life exprest? Where have I fail'd in what I ought to do? In what to GOD, to Man, or to myself I owe? Inquire severe whate'er from first to last, From Morning's Dawn till Ev'nings Gloom has past. If Evil were thy Deeds, repenting mourn, And let thy Soul with strong Remorse be torn: If Good, the Good with Peace of Mind repay, And to thy secret Self with Pleasure say, Rejoice, my Heart, for all went well to Day.

And that no Passage to your Improvement in Virtue may be kept secret, it is not sufficient that you make Use of _Self-Examination_ alone; therefore I have also added a _golden Extract_ from _a favourite_ OLD BOOK, to instruct you in the prudent and deliberate Choice of some disinterested Friend,to remind you of such Misconduct as must necessarily escape your severest Inquiry: Which is as follows;

Every prudent Man ought to be jealous and fearful of himself, lest he run away too hastily with a Likelihood instead of Truth; and abound too much in his own Understanding. All Conditions are equal, that is, Men may be contented in every Condition: For Security is equal to Splendor; Health to Pleasure, _&c_. Every Condition of Life has its Enemies, for _Deus posuit duo & duo, unum contra unum_. A rich Man hath Enemies sometimes for no other Reason than because he is rich; the poor Man hath as poor Neighbours, or rich Ones that gape after that small Profit which he enjoys. The Poor very often subsist merely by Knavery and Rapine among each other. Beware, therefore, how you offend any Man, for he that is displeased at your Words or Actions, commonly joins against you, without putting the _best_ Construction on (or endeavouring to find out a reasonable Excuse for) them. And be sure you _hate_ no Man, though you think him a worthless or unjust Person. Never _envy_ any one above you: You have Enemies enough by the common Course of Human Nature; be cautious not to encrease the Number; and rather procure as many Friends as you can, to countenance and strengthen you. Every Man has also an Enemy within himself. Every Man is choleric and covetous, or gentle and generous by Nature. Man is naturally a beneficent Creature: But there are many external Objects and Accidents, met with as we go through Life, which _seem_ to make great Alterations in our natural Dispositions and Desires. A Man naturally passionate and greedy, may, to all Appearance, become complaisant and hospitable, merely by Force of Instruction and Discipline; and so the Contrary. 'Tis in vain for a passionate Man to say, _I am pardonable_ because _it is natural to me_, when we can perhaps point out to him an Example in his next Neighbour, who was _once_ affected in the very same Manner, and could say as much to defend himself, who is now exceedingly _different_ in his Behaviour, and quite free from those unhappy Affections which disturbed his Repose so often, not long ago, and become a chearful, facetious, and profitable Companion to his Friends, and a Pattern of Humility to all around him.

Nothing was ever well done or said _in a Passion_. One Man's Infirmities and bad Inclinations may be harder to conquer than another Man's, according to the various and _secret_ Circumstances that attend them; but they are capable of being conquered, or very much improved for the better, except they have been suffered to _take Root in_ OLD _Age_; in this Case it is most convenient to let them _have their_ OWN _Way,_ as the Phrase is.

The strongest of our natural Passions are seldom perceived by us; a choleric Man does not always discover when he is angry, nor an envious Man when he is invidious; at most they think they commit no great Faults.

Therefore it is necessary that you should have a MONITOR. Most Men are very indifferent Judges of themselves, and often think they do well when they sin; and imagine they commit only small Errors, when they are guilty of Crimes. It is in Human Life as in the Arts and Sciences; their plainest Doctrines are easily comprehended, but the finest Points cannot be discovered without the closest Attention; of these Parts only the wise and skilful in the Art or Science, can be deemed competent Judges. Many Vices and Follies resemble their opposite Virtues and Prudence; they border upon, and seem to mix with each other; and therefore the exact Line of Division betwixt them is hard to ascertain. Pride resembles a generous Spirit; Superstition and Enthusiasm frequently resemble true Religion; a laudable worthy Ambition resembles an unworthy Self-Sufficiency; Government resembles Tyranny; Liberty resembles Licentiousness; Subjection resembles Slavery; Covetousness resembles Frugality; Prodigality resembles Generosity; and so of the Rest. Prudence chiefly consists in that Excellence of Judgment, which is capable of discerning the MEDIUM; or of acting so as not to intermingle the one with the other; and in being able to assign to every Cause its _proper_ Actions and Effects. It is therefore necessary for every Person who desires to be a wise Man, to _take particular Notice of HIS OWN _Actions_, and of HIS OWN _Thoughts and Intentions_ which are the Original of his Actions; with great Care and Circumspection; otherwise he can never arrive to that Degree of Perfection which constitutes the amiable Character he aspires after. And, lest all this Diligence should be insufficient, as Partiality to himself will certainly render it, it is very requisite for him to _chuse a_ FRIEND, or MONITOR, who must be allowed the greatest Freedom to advertise and remind him of his Failings, and to point out Remedies. Such a One, I mean, as is a discreet and virtuous Person; but especially One that does not creep after the Acquaintance of, or play the Spaniel to, _great_ Men; One who does not covet Employments which are known to be scandalous for Opportunities of Injustice: One who can bridle his Tongue and curb his Wit; One that can converse with himself, and industriously attends upon his Affairs whatever they be. Find out such a _Man_; insinuate yourself into a Confidence with him; and desire him to observe your Conversation and Behaviour; intreat him to admonish you of what he thinks amiss, in a serious and friendly Manner; importune his Modesty till he condescends to grant your Request. -- Do not imagine that you live one Day without Faults, or that those Faults are undiscovered. Most Men see that in another, which they can not or will not see in themselves: And he is happiest, who through the whole Course of his Life, can attain to a reasonable Freedom from Sin and Folly, even by the Help of _Old Age_, that great Mortifier and Extinguisher of our Lusts and Passions. If such a Monitor informs you of any Misconduct, whether you know his Interpretations to be true or false, take it not only _patiently_, but _thankfully_; and be careful to reform. Thus you get and keep a Friend, break the inordinate mischievous Affection you bore towards your Frailities, and advance yourself in Wisdom and Virtue. When you consider that you must give an Account of your Actions to your vigilant Reprover; that other Men see the same Imperfections in you as he does; and that it is impossible for a good Man to enjoy the Advantages of Friendship, except he first puts off those Qualities which render him subject to Flattery, that is, except he first cease to flatter himself. A good, a generous _Christian_ Minister, or worthy sensible Parents, may be suitable Persons for a difficult Office; difficult, though it should be performed by _familiar_ Conversation. And how much more meritorious of Entertainment are People of such a Character, than those who come to your Table to _make Faces_, talk Nonsense, devour your Substance, censure their Neighbours, flatter and deride you? Remember that if a Friend tells you of a Fault, always imagine that he does not tell you the whole, which is commonly the Truth; for he desires your Reformation, but is loth to offend you. And _nunquam sine querela aegra tanguntur_.

I know, dear Son, _Ambition_ fills your Mind, And in Life's Voyage, is th' impelling Wind; But, at the Helm, let sober Reason stand, To steer the Bark with Heav'n directed Hand: So shall you safe _Ambition_'s Gales receive, And ride securely, though the Billows heave; So shall you shun the giddy Hero's Fate, And by her Influence be both good and great.

She bids you first, in Life's soft vernal Hours, With active Industry wake Nature's Pow'rs; With rising Years still rising Arts display, With new-born Graces mark each new-born Day. 'Tis now the Time _young Passion_ to command, While yet the pliant Stem obeys the Hand; Guide now the Courser with a steady Rein, E'er yet he bounds o'er Pleasure's flowry Plain; In Passion's Strife no Medium you can have; You rule, a Master; or submit, a Slave.

To conclude. -- You are just entering into the World: Beware of the _first Acts_ of Dishonesty: They present themselves to the Mind under _specious Disguises_, and _plausible Reasons_ of Right and Equity: But being admitted, they open the Way for admitting others, that are _but a little_ more dishonest, which are followed by others _a little_ more knavish than they, till by Degrees, however slow, a Man becomes an _habitual_ Sharper, and at length a _consummate Rascal_ and Villain. Then farewel all Peace of Mind, and inward Satisfaction; all Esteem, Confidence, and Reputation among Mankind. And indeed if _outward_ Reputation could be preserved, what Pleasure can it afford to a Man that must _inwardly_ despise himself, whose own Baseness will, in Spite of his Endeavours to forget it, be ever presenting itself to his View. If you have a _Sir-Reverence_ in your

Breeches, what signifies it if you _appear_ to Others neat and clean
and genteel, when you _know_ and _feel_ yourself to be b ------ t.  I
make no Apology for the Comparison, however coarse, since none can be
too much so for a defiled and foul Conscience.  But never flatter
yourself with _Concealment_; 'tis impossible to last long.  One Man

may be too cunning for another Man, but not for _all Men_: Some Body or other will smell you out, or some Accident will discover you; or who can be sure that he shall never be heard to talk in his Sleep, or be delirious in a Fever, when the working Mind usually throws out Hints of what has inwardly affected it? Of this there have been many Instances; some of which are within the Compass of your own Knowledge.

Whether you chuse to act in a public or a private Station, if you would maintain the personal Character of a Man of Sincerity, Integrity and Virtue, there is a Necessity of becoming _really good_, if you would _do good_: For the thin Disguises of _pretended_ private Virtue and Public Spirit, are easily seen through; the Hypocrite detected and exposed. For this Reason then, _My dear_ ISAAC, as well as for many others, be sincere, candid, honest, well-meaning, and upright, in all you do and say; be _really_ good, if you would _appear_ so: Your Life then shall give Strength to your _Counsels_; and though you should be found out an indifferent _Speaker_ or _Writer_, you shall not be without Praise for the Benevolence of your Intention.

But, again, suppose it possible for a Knave to preserve a fair Character among Men, and even to approve his own Actions, what is that to the Certainty of his being discovered and detested by the all-seeing Eye of _that righteous_ BEING, who made and governs the World, whose just Hand never fails to do right and to punish Iniquity, and whose Approbation, Favour, and Friendship, is worth the Universe?

Heartily wishing you every Accomplishment that can make a Man amiable and valuable, to HIS Protection I commit you, being, with sincere Affection, _dear Son_, Your very loving Father, _Abraham_.
_The New-England Magazine_, August, 1758

_A New Englandman to the Printer of the London Chronicle: A Defense of the Americans_
_To the Printer of the_ CHRONICLE.

SIR, While the public attention is so much turned towards _America_, every letter from thence that promises new information, is pretty generally read; it seems therefore the more necessary that care should be taken to disabuse the Public, when those letters contain facts false in themselves, and representations injurious to bodies of people, or even to private persons.

In your paper, No. 310. I find an extract of a letter, said to be from a gentleman in General _Abercrombie_'s army. As there are several strokes in it tending to render the colonies despicable, and even odious to the mother country, which may have ill consequences; and no notice having been taken of the injuries contained in that letter, other letters of the same nature have since been published, permit me to make a few observations on it.

The writer says, `_New England_ was settled by Presbyterians and Independents, who took shelter there from the persecutions of Archbishop _Laud_; -- _they still retain their original character, they generally hate the Church of England_,' says he. If it were true, that some resentment still remained for the hardships their fathers suffer'd, it might perhaps be not much wondered at; but the fact is, that the moderation of the present church of _England_ towards Dissenters in _Old_ as well as _New England_, has quite effaced those impressions; the Dissenters too are become less rigid and scrupulous, and the good-will between those different bodies in that country is now both mutual and equal.

He goes on: _`They came out with a levelling spirit, and they retain it. They cannot bear to think that one man should be exorbitantly rich and another poor, so that, except in the seaport towns, there are few great estates among them. This equality produces also a rusticity of manners; for in their language, dress, and in all their behaviour, they are more boorish than any thing you ever saw in a certain Northern latitude.'_ One would imagine from this account, that those who were growing poor, plundered those who were growing rich to preserve this equality, and that property had no protection; whereas in fact, it is no where more secure than in the _New England_ colonies, the law is no where better executed, or justice obtain'd at less expence. The equality he speaks of, arises first from a more equal distribution of lands by the assemblies in the first settlement than has been practised in the other colonies, where favourites of governors have obtained enormous tracts for trifling considerations, to the prejudice both of the crown revenues and the public good; and secondly, from the nature of their occupation; husbandmen with small tracts of land, though they may by industry maintain themselves and families in mediocrity, having few means of acquiring great wealth, especially in a young colony that is to be supplied with its cloathing, and many other expensive articles of consumption from the mother country. Their dress the gentleman may be a more critical judge of than I can pretend to be; all I know of it is, that they wear the manufactures of Britain, and follow its fashions perhaps too closely, every remarkable change in the mode making its appearance there within a few months after its invention here; a natural effect of their constant intercourse with _England_, by ships arriving almost every week from the capital, their respect for the mother country, and admiration of every thing that is _British_. But as to their language, I must beg this gentleman's pardon if I differ from him. His ear, accustomed perhaps to the dialect practised in the _certain northern latitude_ he mentions, may not be qualified to judge so nicely in what relates to _pure English_. And I appeal to all Englishmen here, who have been acquainted with the Colonists, whether it is not a common remark, that they speak the language with such an exactness both of expression and accent, that though you may know the natives of several of the counties of _England_, by peculiarities in their dialect, you cannot by that means distinguish a _North American_. All the new books and pamphlets worth reading, that are published here, in a few weeks are transmitted and found there, where there is not a man or woman born in the country but what can read: and it must, I should think, be a pleasing reflection to those who write either for the benefit of the present age or of posterity, to find their audience increasing with the increase of our colonies; and their language extending itself beyond the narrow bounds of these islands to a continent, larger than all _Europe_, and to a future empire as fully peopled, which _Britain_ may probably one day possess in those vast western regions.

But the Gentleman makes more injurious comparisons than these: `_That latitude_, he says, has this advantage over them, that it has produced sharp, acute men, fit for war or learning, whereas the other are remarkably simple or silly, and blunder eternally. We have 6000 of their militia, which the General would willingly exchange for 2000 regulars. They are for ever marring some one or other of our plans when sent to execute them. They can, indeed, some of them at least, range in the woods; but 300 Indians with their yell, throw 3000 of them into a panick, and then they will leave nothing to the enemy to do, for they will shoot one another; and in the woods our regulars are afraid to be on a command with them _on that very account._' I doubt, Mr. Chronicle, that this paragraph, when it comes to be read in _America_, will have no good effect, and rather increase that inconvenient disgust that is too apt to arise between the troops of different corps, or countries, who are obliged to serve together. Will not a _New England Officer_ be apt to retort and say, What foundation have you for this odious distinction in favour of the officers from your _certain northern latitude_? They may, as you say, be _fit for learning_, but, surely, the return of your first General, with a well-appointed and sufficient force from his expedition against _Louisbourg_, is not the most shining proof of his _talents for war_. And no one will say his plan was _marred by us_, for we were not with him. -- Was his successor, who conducted the blundering attack and inglorious retreat from _Ticonderoga_, a New England man, or one of _that certain latitude_? -- Then as to the comparison between _Regulars_ and _Provincials_, will not the latter remark, That it was 2000 New England _Provincials_, with but about 150 _Regulars_, that took the strong fort of _Beausejour_ in the beginning of the war, though in the accounts transmitted to the English Gazette, the honour was claimed by the regulars, and little or no notice taken of the others. -- That it was the _Provincials_ who beat General _Dieskau_, with his _Regulars_, _Canadians_, and _`yelling' Indians_, and sent him prisoner to _England_. -- That it was a _Provincial-born_ Officer (* 1), with _American_ battoemen, that beat the _French_ and _Indians_ on _Oswego_ river. -- That it was the same Officer, _with Provincials_, who made that long and admirable march into the enemies country, took and destroyed Fort _Frontenac_, with the whole French fleet on the lakes, and struck terror into the heart of _Canada_. That it was a _Provincial_ Officer (* 2), _with Provincials_ only,
who made another extraordinary march into the enemy's country, surprised and destroyed the _Indian_ town of _Kittanning_, bringing off the scalps of their chiefs. That one ranging Captain of a few _Provincials_, _Rogers_, has harrassed the enemy _more_ on the frontiers of _Canada_, and destroyed _more_ of their men, than the _whole_ army of _Regulars_. -- That it was the _Regulars_ who surrendered themselves, with the Provincials under their command, prisoners of war, almost as soon as they were besieged, with the forts, fleet, and all the provisions and stores that had been provided and amassed at so immense an expence, at _Oswego_. That it was the _Regulars_ who surrendered Fort _William Henry_, and suffered themselves to be butchered and scalped with arms in their hands. That it was the _Regulars_, under _Braddock_, who were thrown into a panick by the `_yells_ of 3 or 400 Indians,' in their confusion shot one another, and, with five times the force of the enemy, fled before them, destroying all their own stores, ammunition, and provisions! -- These _Regular Gentlemen_, will the _Provincial rangers_ add, may possibly be _afraid_, as they say they are, _to be on a command with us_ in the woods; but when it is considered, that from all past experience the chance of our shooting them is not as one to an hundred, compared with that of their being shot by the enemy, may it not be suspected, that what they give as the _very account_ of their fear and unwillingness to venture out with us, is only the _very excuse_; and that a concern for their scalps weighs more with them than a regard for their honour.

Such as these, Sir, I imagine may be the reflections _extorted_ by such provocations from the Provincials in general. But the _New England Men_ in particular will have reason to resent the remarks on their reduction of _Louisbourg_. Your writer proceeds, `Indeed they are all very ready to make their boast of taking _Louisbourg_, in 1745; but if people were to be acquitted or condemned according to the propriety and wisdom of their plans, and not according to their success, the persons that undertook that siege merited little praise: for I have heard officers, who assisted at it, say, never was any thing more rash; for had one single part of their plan failed, or had the French made the fortieth part of the resistance then that they have made now, every soul of the New Englanders must have fallen in the trenches. The garrison was weak, sickly, destitute of provisions, and disgusted, and therefore became a ready prey; and, when they returned to France were decimated for their gallant defence. Where then is the glory arising from thence?' -- After denying his facts, `that the garrison was weak, wanted provisions, made not a fortieth part of the resistance, were decimated,' &c. the _New England_ men will ask this regular gentleman, If the place was well fortified, and had (as it really had) a numerous garrison, was it not at least _brave_ to attack it with a handful of raw undisciplined militia? If the garrison was, as you say, `sickly, disgusted, destitute of provisions, and ready to become a prey,' was it not _prudent_ to seize that opportunity, and put the nation in possession of so important a fortress at so small an expence? So that if you will not allow the enterprize to be, as we think it was, both _brave_ and _prudent_, ought you not at least to grant it was _either one_ or _the other_? But is there no merit on this score in the people, who, tho' at first so greatly divided, as to the making or forbearing the attempt, that it was carried in the affirmative, by the small majority of _one_ vote only; yet when it was once resolved on, _unanimously_ prosecuted the design (* 3), and prepared the means with the greatest zeal and diligence; so that the whole equipment was completely ready before the season would permit the execution? Is there no merit of praise in laying and executing their plan so well, that, as you have confessed, not a _single part_ of it failed? If the plan was destitute of `propriety and wisdom,' would it not have required the _sharp acute_ men of the _northern latitude_ to execute it, that by supplying its deficiencies they might give it some chance of success? But if such `remarkably silly, simple, blundering _Mar-plans_,' as you say we are, could execute _this plan_, so that not a _single part_ of it failed, does it not at least show that the plan itself must be laid with _some_ `wisdom and propriety?' -- Is there no merit in the ardour with which all degrees and ranks of people quitted their private affairs, and ranged themselves under the banners of their King, for the honour, safety, and advantage of their country (* 4)? Is there no merit in the profound secrecy guarded by a whole people, so that the enemy had not the least intelligence of the design, till they saw the fleet of transports cover the sea before their port? -- Is there none in the indefatigable labour the troops went thro' during the siege, performing the duty both of men and horses; the hardships they patiently suffered for want of tents and other necessaries; the readiness with which they learnt to move, direct, and manage cannon, raise batteries, and form approaches (* 5); the bravery with which they sustained sallies; and finally in their consenting to stay and garrison the place after it was taken, absent from their business and families, till troops could be brought from England for that purpose, tho' they undertook the service on a promise of being discharged as soon as it was over, were unprovided for so long an absence, and actually suffered ten times more loss by mortal sickness, thro' want of necessaries, than they suffered from the arms of the enemy? The nation, however, had a sense of this undertaking different from the unkind one of this gentleman. At the treaty of peace, the possession of _Louisbourg_ was found of great advantage to our affairs in _Europe_; and if the brave men that made the acquisition for us were not _rewarded_, at least they were _praised. Envy_ may continue a while to cavil and detract, but _public virtue_ will in the end obtain esteem; and honest impartiality in this and future ages will not fail doing justice to merit.

Your _gentleman writer_ thus _decently_ goes on. `The most substantial men of most of the provinces are children or grandchildren of those that came here at the King's expence, that is, thieves, highwaymen, and robbers.' Being probably a military gentleman, this, and therefore a person of nice honour, if any one should tell him in the _plainest_ language, that what he here says is an absolute falsehood, challenges and cutting of throats might immediately ensue. I shall therefore only refer him to _his own account in this same letter_, of the _peopling_ of _New England_, which he says, with more truth, was by _Puritans_ who fled thither for shelter from the persecutions of Archbishop _Laud_. Is there not a wide difference between removing to a distant country to enjoy the exercise of religion according to a man's conscience, and his being transported thither by law as a punishment for his crimes? This contradiction we therefore leave the _gentleman_ and _himself_ to settle as well as they can between them. One would think from his account, that the provinces were so many colonies from _Newgate_. The truth is, not only _Laud_'s persecution, but the other publick troubles in the following reigns, induc'd many thousand families to leave _England_, and settle in the plantations. During the predominance of the parliament, many royalists removed or were banished to _Virginia_ and _Barbadoes_, who afterwards spread into the other settlements: The Catholics shelter'd themselves in _Maryland_. At the restoration, many of the depriv'd nonconformist ministers with their families, friends and hearers, went over. Towards the end of _Charles_ the Second's reign and during _James_ the Second's, the dissenters again flocked into _America_, driven by persecution, and dreading the introduction of popery at home. Then the high price or reward of labour in the colonies, and want of Artisans there, drew over many, as well as the occasion of commerce; and when once people begin to migrate, every one has his little sphere of acquaintance and connections, which he draws after him, by invitation, motives of interest, praising his new settlement, and other encouragements. The `most substantial men' are descendants of those early settlers; new comers not having yet had time to raise estates. The practice of sending convicts thither, is modern; and the same indolence of temper and habits of idleness that make people poor and tempt them to steal in _England_, continue with them when they are sent to _America_, and must there have the same effects, where all who live well owe their subsistence to labour and business, and where it is a thousand times more difficult than here to acquire wealth without industry. Hence the instances of transported thieves advancing their fortunes in the colonies are extreamly rare, if there _really is_ a single instance of it, which I very much doubt; but of their being advanc'd there to the gallows the instances are plenty. Might they not as well have been hang'd at home? -- We call _Britain_ the _mother_ country; but what good mother besides, would introduce thieves and criminals into the company of her children, to corrupt and disgrace them? -- And how cruel is it, to force, by the high hand of power, a particular country of your subjects, who have not deserv'd such usage, to receive your outcasts, repealing all the laws they make to prevent their admission, and then reproach them with the detested mixture you have made. `The emptying their jails into our settlements (says a writer of that country) is an insult and contempt, the cruellest perhaps that ever one people offered another; and would not be equal'd even by emptying their jakes on our tables.'

The letter I have been considering, Mr. _Chronicle_, is follow'd by another, in your paper of Tuesday the 17th past, said to be _from an officer who attended Brigadier General_ Forbes _in his march from_ Philadelphia _to_ Fort Duquesne; but wrote probably by the same gentleman who wrote the former, as it seems calculated to raise the character of the officers of the _certain northern latitude_, at the expence of the reputation of the colonies, and the provincial forces. According to this letter-writer, if the _Pensilvanians_ granted large supplies, and raised a great body of troops for the last campaign, it was not obedience to his Majesty's commands, signified by his minister Mr. _Pitt_, zeal for the King's service, or even a regard for their own safety; but it was owing to the `General's proper management of the Quakers and other parties in the province.' The withdrawing of the Indians from the French interest by negotiating a peace, is all ascribed to the General, and not a word said to the honour of the poor _Quakers_ who first set those negotiations on foot, or of honest _Frederic Post_ that compleated them with so much ability and success. Even the little merit of the Assembly's making a law to regulate carriages, is imputed to the General's `multitude of letters.' Then he tells us, `innumerable scouting parties had been sent out during a long period, both by the General and Colonel _Bouquet_, towards Fort _Duquesne_, to catch a prisoner, if possible, for intelligence, but never got any.' -- How happened that? -- Why, `It was the _Provincial troops_ that were constantly employed in that service,' and they, it seems, never do any thing they are ordered to do. -- _That_, however, one would think, might be easily remedied, by sending _Regulars_ with them, who of course must command them, and may see that they do their duty. _No; The Regulars are afraid of being shot by the Provincials in a Panick_. -- Then send all Regulars. -- _Aye; That was what the Colonel_ resolved _upon_. -- `Intelligence was now wanted. (says the letter-writer) Col. _Bouquet_, whose attention to business was [only] very considerable [that is, _not quite so great_ as the General's, for he was not of the _northern latitude_] was _determined_ to send NO MORE Provincials a scouting.' -- And how did he execute this determination? Why, by sending `Major _Grant_ of the Highlanders, with _seven_ hundred men, _three_ hundred of them Highlanders, THE REST _Americans_, _Virginians_, and _Pensilvanians_!' No _blunder_ this, in our writer; but a _misfortune_; and he is nevertheless one of those _`acute sharp'_ men who are _`fit for learning!'_ -- And how did this Major and seven hundred men succeed in catching the prisoner? -- Why, their `march to Fort Duquesne was _so conducted_ that the _surprize_ was _compleat_.' -- Perhaps you may imagine, gentle reader, that this was a surprize of the enemy. -- No such matter. They knew every step of his motions, and had, every man of them, left their fires and huts in the fields, and retired into the fort. -- But the Major and his 700 men, _they_ were _surprized_; first to find no body there at night; and next to find themselves surrounded and cut to pieces in the morning; two or three hundred being killed, drowned, or taken prisoners, and among the latter the Major himself. Those who escaped were also _surprized_ at their own good fortune; and the whole army was _surprized_ at the Major's bad management. Thus the _surprize_ was indeed _compleat_; -- but not the disgrace; for _Provincials were there_ to lay the blame on. The _misfortune_ (we must not call it _misconduct_) of the Major was owing, it seems, to an un-named and perhaps unknown _Provincial_ officer, who, it is said, `disobeyed his orders and quitted his post.' Whence a formal conclusion is drawn, `That a Planter is not to be taken from the plow and made an officer in a day.' -- Unhappy _Provincials_! If _success_ attends where you are joined with the Regulars, they claim all the honour, tho' not a tenth part of your number. If _disgrace_, it is all yours, though you happen to be but a small part of the whole, and have not the command; as if Regulars were in their nature invincible, when not mix'd with Provincials, and Provincials of no kind of value without Regulars! Happy is it for you that you were present neither at _Preston-Pans_ nor _Falkirk_, at the faint attempt against _Rochfort_, the route of _St. Cas_, or the hasty retreat from _Martinico_. Every thing that went wrong, or did not go right, would have been ascribed to you. Our commanders would have been saved the labour of writing long apologies for their conduct. It might have been sufficient to say, _Provincials were with us!_

But these remarks, which we only suppose may be made by the provok'd provincials, are probably too severe. The generals, even those who have been recall'd, had in several respects great merit, as well as many of the officers of the same nation that remain, which the cool discreet part of the provincials will readily allow. They are not insensible of the worth and bravery of the _British_ troops in general, honour them for the amazing valour they manifested at the landing on _Cape Breton_, the prudence and military skill they show'd in the siege and reduction of _Louisburg_, and their good conduct on other occasions; and can make due allowance for mistakes naturally arising where even the best men are engag'd in a new kind of war, with a new and strange enemy, and in a country different from any they had before experienc'd. Lord HOWE was their darling (* 6), and others might be nam'd who are
growing daily in their esteem and admiration. -- There are also among the regular officers, men of sentiments, concerning the colonies, more generous and more just than those express'd by these letter-writers; who can see faults even in their own corps, and who can allow the Provincials their share of merit; who feel pleasure as _Britons_, in observing that the _children_ of _Britain_ retain their native intrepidity to the third and fourth generation in the regions of _America_; together with that ardent love of liberty and zeal in its defence, which in every age has distinguish'd their progenitors among the rest of mankind. -- To conclude, in all countries, all nations, and all armies, there is, and will be a mixture of characters, a medley of brave men, fools, wise-men and cowards. National reflections being general, are therefore unjust. But panegyrics, tho' they should be too general, cannot offend the subjects of them. I shall therefore boldly say, that the _English_ are brave and wise; the _Scotch_ are brave and wise; and the people of the _British_ colonies, proceeding from both nations -- I would say the same of them, if it might not be thought vanity in Your humble servant, May 9, 1759. _A New Englandman_.
_The London Chronicle_, May 12, 1759
(* 1) Colonel _Bradstreet_.
(* 2) Colonel _Armstrong_ of _Pensilvania_.
(* 3) `As the Massachuset's assembly at first entered into the expedition upon the _coolest deliberation_, so did they on the other hand exert themselves with _uncommon vigour_ in the persecution of it. As soon as the point was carried for undertaking it, EVERY MEMBER which had opposed it _gave up his own private judgment_ to the public voice, and _vied_ with those who had voted for the expedition, in encouraging the enlistment of the troops, and forwarding the preparations for the attempt.' _Memoirs of the last War_, p. 41.
(* 4) `The bounty, pay, and other encouragements, allowed by the Massachuset's government to both officers and men, especially the former, was but small; but the _spirit_ which reigned thro' the province supplied the want of that; the complement of troops was soon inlisted; not only the officers, who served in this enterprize, were gentlemen of considerable property, but most of the non-commission'd officers, and many of the private men, had valuable freeholds, and entered into the service upon the same principles that the old _Roman_ citizens in the first Consular armies used to do.' _Memoirs of the last War_, p. 41.

To which I may add, that instances of the same noble spirit are not uncommon in all the other colonies; where men have entered into the service not for the sake of the pay, for their own affairs in their absence suffer more by far than its value; not in hopes of preferment in the army, for the Provincials are shut out from such expectations, their own forces being always disbanded on a peace, and the vacancies among the Regulars filled with _Europeans_; but merely from _public spirit_ and a sense of duty. Among many others, give me leave to name Col. PETER SCHUYLER of _New Jersey_; who, though a gentleman of a considerable independent fortune, has, both in the last and present war, quitted that domestic ease and quiet which such affluence afforded, to take upon him the command of his country's forces, and by his example animated the soldiery to undergo the greatest fatigues and hardships: And who when a prisoner in _Canada_ for fifteen months, did, during the whole time, generously make use of his own credit to relieve such _British_ subjects as unhappily fell into the hands of the enemy. -- Not to mention his advancing his own private fortune towards paying the forces, raised during last war in _America_ by order of the crown; when, by the continued delays in sending the money from _England_ for that purpose, it was generally doubted whether it would ever be sent, and the common soldiers were therefore, from necessity, on the point of quitting his Majesty's service in a body. An event which must at that time have been attended with very fatal consequences; and would not have been prevented, had not he risqued so considerable a part of his substance.
(* 5) `The _New England_ troops, within the compass of 23 days from the time of their first landing, erected five fascine batteries against the town, mounted with cannon of 42 lb. 22 lb. and 18 lb. shot, mortars of 13, 11, and 9 inches diameter, with some cohorns; all which were transported _by hand_, with incredible labour and difficulty, most of them above two miles; all the ground over which they were drawn, except small patches or hills of rocks, was a _deep morass_, in which, whilst the cannon were upon wheels, they several times sunk so deep, as not only to bury the carriages, but their whole bodies. Horses and oxen could not be employed in this service, but all must be drawn by men, up to the knees in mud; the nights, in which the work was done, were cold and foggy, their tents bad, there being no proper materials for tents to be had in New England at the outset of the expedition. But notwithstanding these difficulties, and many of the men's being taken down with fluxes, so that at one time there were 1500 incapable of duty, they went on _without being discouraged or murmuring_, and transported the cannon over those ways, which the French had always thought impassable for such heavy weights; and besides this, they had all their provisions and heavy ammunition, which they daily made use of, to bring from the camp over the same way upon their backs.' _Memoirs of the last war in America_, page 52.
(* 6) The assembly of the _Massachusets-Bay_ have voted a sum of money for erecting a monument in _Westminster-Abbey_, to the memory of that Nobleman, as a testimony of their veneration for his virtues. -- A proof that their sense of merit is not narrow'd to a country.

_A Description of Those, Who, at Any Rate, Would Have a Peace with France_

The two prevailing motives among us, which strongly bias great numbers of people, at this time, to wish for a peace with _France_, let the terms be ever so dishonourable, ever so disadvantageous, or likely to prove of ever so short a duration, are Power and Self-interest.

As to the First, there is a set of men, who have been so long used to Power, that it is become part of their constitution; and if they cannot preserve it, they and their Dependants must linger and pine away. They find plainly, that whatever they have undertaken has succeeded so ill, that, instead of their gaining the people's Applause and Confidence, They become every day more and more Obnoxious and Contemptible: And they perceive, on the other hand, that such part of the Administration, in which they have had no share, has been so well understood and conducted, that such general Satisfaction has been given throughout the whole kingdom, as reflects highly on the want of Integrity and Capacity in those who have gone before. No wonder therefore, if such men should be desirous of peace at any rate, so it lasts their time; that the frequent scenes of Honour to others, and Dishonour to themselves, may not haunt them any more: And, especially being sensible the National Credit has been strained to such a degree by their extravagant plan of Dissipation, as to render it necessary for the Publick Accounts being taken, as was so frequently and honestly done during the reigns of King William and Queen Anne, even at the Minister's own desire.

The latter are those who are engaged in our Public Funds, and are impatient to have them rise, AND THOSE (IN NO SMALL NUMBER) WHO HAVE SO INFAMOUSLY LENT THEIR MONEY TO THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT: Merchants who are concerned in branches of Commerce and of Business, which they imagine will improve upon their hands, in case of a Peace: other Mercantile People, who have their prospects of advantage, upon the conclusion of a Peace; such for example, who think we shall hold some of our conquests, which of course will give room for new Settlements; and some who have prospects of Places in such new Settlements: Some who have formed to themselves agreeable plans, for striking into new Branches of Trade: Many Country Gentlemen and others, who wouldn't perhaps be sorry for a Peace, in hopes of being eas'd in their taxes: And lastly, there are very few Roman Catholicks in the Kingdom, but would rejoice at a Peace, at any rate.

It is a melancholy Reflection, that there should be among us such selfish wretches, and such enemies to their Country, who had rather see it sink, a while hence, and its bitterest enemies triumph, than that their present lust for Power, and their sordid Views, should not be gratified; And that there should be those, who are striving to diminish the Importance of every conquest we make, that the people mayn't grow too fond of keeping them; and even go so far, as to propagate the very Nonsensical Language of MAUBERT; viz. THE ENGLISH _will persevere in their conquests till they draw all the Powers of Europe upon their backs_.

Such is the true Picture of those, who, on such infamous Terms, wou'd sell advantages their Country has obtained, at the expence of so much blood and treasure, over their most Inveterate and most Treacherous enemies. _London, Nov._ 24.
_The London Chronicle_, November 24, 1759

_Humourous Reasons for Restoring Canada_

_Mr. Chronicle,_ We Britons are a nation of statesmen and politicians; we are privy councellors by birthright; and therefore take it much amiss when we are told by some of your correspondents, `that it is not proper to expose to public view the many good reasons there are for restoring Canada,' _(if we reduce it.)_

I have, with great industry, been able to procure a full account of those reasons, and shall make no secret of them among ourselves. Here they are. -- Give them to all your readers; that is, to all that can read, in the King's dominions.

1. We should restore Canada; because an uninterrupted trade with the Indians throughout a vast country, where the communication by water is so easy, would encrease our commerce, _already too great_, and occasion a large additional demand for our manufactures, (* 1) _already too dear_.
(* 1) Every Indian now wears a woollen blanket, a linnen shirt, and cloth stockings; besides a knife, a hatchet and a gun; and they use a variety of other European and Indian goods, which they pay for in skins and furs.

2. We should restore it, lest, thro' a greater plenty of beaver, broad-brimmed hats become cheaper to that unmannerly sect, the Quakers.

3. We should restore Canada, that we may _soon_ have a new war, and another opportunity of spending two or three millions a year in America; there being great danger of our growing too rich, our European expences not being sufficient to drain our immense treasures.

4. We should restore it, that we may have occasion constantly to employ, in time of war, a fleet and army in those parts; for otherwise we might be too strong at home.

5. We should restore it, that the French may, by means of their Indians, carry on, (as they have done for these 100 years past even in times of peace between the two crowns) a constant scalping war against our colonies, and thereby stint their growth; for, otherwise, the children might in time be as tall as their mother (* 2).
(* 2) This reason is seriously given by some who do not wish well to the Colonies: But, is it not too like the Egyptian Politics practised by Pharoah, destroying the young males to prevent the increase of the children of Israel?

6. What tho' the blood of thousands of unarmed English farmers, surprized and assassinated in their fields; of harmless women and children murdered in their beds; doth at length call for vengeance; -- what tho' the Canadian measure of iniquity be full, and if ever any country did, that country now certainly does, deserve the judgment of _extirpation_; -- yet let not us be the executioners of Divine justice; -- it will look as if Englishmen were revengeful.

7. Our colonies, 'tis true, have exerted themselves beyond their strength, on the expectations we gave them of driving the French from Canada; but tho' we ought to keep faith with our Allies, it is not necessary with our children. That might teach them (against Scripture) to _put their trust in Princes_: Let 'em learn to trust in God.

8. Should we not restore Canada, it would look as if our statesmen had _courage_ as well as our soldiers; but what have statesmen to do with _courage_? Their proper character is _wisdom_.

9. What can be _braver_, than to show all Europe we can afford to lavish our best blood as well as our treasure, in conquests we do not intend to keep? Have we not plenty of _Howe's_, and _Wolfe's_, &c. &c. &c. in every regiment?

10. The French have long since openly declar'd, _'que les Anglois & les Fransois sont incompatible dans cette partie de l'Amerique;'_ 'that our people and theirs were incompatible in that part of the continent of America:' _`que rien n'etoit plus important a l'etat, que de delivrer leur colonie du facheux voisinage des Anglois;'_ `that nothing was of more importance to France, than delivering its colony from the troublesome neighbourhood of the English;' to which end, there was an avowed project on foot _`pour chasser premierement les Anglois de la Nouvelle York;'_ `to drive the English in the first place out of the province of New York;' _`& apres la prise de la capitale, il falloit_ (says the scheme) _la_ BRULER & RUINER _le pays jusqu' a Orange;'_ `and after taking the capital, to _burn it_, and _ruin_ (that is, _make a desart_ of) the whole country, quite up to Albany.' Now, if we do not fairly leave the French in Canada, till they have a favourable opportunity of putting their _burning_ and _ruining_ schemes in execution, will it not look as if we were afraid of them?

11. Their historian, Charlevoix, in his IVth book, also tells us, that when Canada was formerly taken by the English, it was a question at the court of France, whether they should endeavour to recover it; for, says he, _`bien de gens douterent si l'on avoit fait une veritable perte;'_ `many thought it was not really a loss.' But tho' various reasons were given why it was scarce worth recovering, _`le seul motive_ (says he) _d'empecher les Anglois de se rendre trop puissans -- atoit plus que suffissant pour nous engager a recouvrer Quebec, a quelque prix que ce fut;'_ `the single motive of preventing the increase of _English_ power, was more than sufficient to engage us in recovering Quebec, _what price soever it might cost us_.' Here we see the high value they put on that country, and the reason of their valuing it so highly. Let us then, _oblige them_ in this (to them) so important an article, and be assured they will _never prove ungrateful_.

I will not dissemble, Mr. _Chronicle_; that in answer to all these reasons and motives for restoring Canada, I have heard one that appears to have some weight on the other side of the question. It is said, that nations, as well as private persons, should, for their honour's sake, take care to preserve a _consistence of character_: that it has always been the character of the English to fight strongly, and negotiate weakly; generally agreeing to restore, at a peace, what they ought to have kept, and to keep what they had better have restored: then, if it would really, according to the preceding reasons, be prudent and right to restore Canada, we ought, say these objectors, to keep it; otherwise _we shall be inconsistent with ourselves._ I shall not take upon myself to weigh these different reasons, but offer the whole to the consideration of the public. Only permit me to suggest, that there is one method of avoiding fairly all future dispute about the propriety of _keeping_ or _restoring_ Canada; and that is, _let us never take it._ The French still hold out at Montreal and Trois Rivieres, in hopes of succour from France. Let us be but _a little too late_ with our ships in the river St. Laurence, so that the enemy may get their supplies up next spring, as they did the last, with reinforcements sufficient to enable them to recover Quebec, and there is an end of the question. I am, Sir, Yours, &c. A. Z.
_The London Chronicle_, December 27, 1759

_The Jesuit Campanella's Means of Disposing the Enemy to Peace_ _To the Printer of the London Chronicle_.

SIR, I send you for your excellent Paper, an extract from the famous Jesuit _Campanella_'s discourses address'd to the King of _Spain_, intituled, _Of the Meanes of extending the Greatnesse of the_ Spanish _Monarchie_. The language is a little antiquated, being the old translation in the edition of 1629; but the matter contain'd is so _apropos_ to our present situation (only changing _Spain_ for _France_) that I think it well worth the attention of the Publick at this critical conjuncture, as it discovers the arts of our enemies, and may therefore help in some degree to put us on our guard against them. After discoursing largely on the wars to be made, particularly against _England_ and _Holland_, the conquests to be attempted, and the various means of securing them when gained, he comes to his

CHAP. XIV. _Of the Meanes of disposing the Enemie to Peace_. `WARRES, with whatsoever prudence undertaken and conducted, do not always succeed; many thinges out of mans power to governe, such as dearthe of provisions, tempests, pestilence, and the like, oftentimes interfering, and totally overthrowing the best designes; so that these enemies of our Monarchie, though apparent lie at first the weaker, may, by disastrous events of warre on our part, become the stronger; and though not in such degree as to endanger the bodie of this great kingdome, yet, by their greater power of shipping and aptness in sea-affaires, to be able to cut off, if I may so speak, some of its smaller limbes and members, that, being remote therefrom, are not easilie defended; to wit, our islands and colonies in the Indies; thereby however depriving the bodie of its wonted nourishment, so that it must thenceforthe languish and grow weake, if those parts be not recovered, which possibly may, by continuance of warre, be found unlikely to be done. And the enemie, puffed up with their successes, and hoping still for more, may not be disposed to peace on such termes as would be suitable to the honour of your Majestie, and to the welfare of your State and Subjectes. In such case, the following meanes may have good effect.

`It is well known, that these northerne people, though hardie of bodie, and bold in fight, be neverthelesse, through over-much eating and other intemperance, slowe of wit and dull in
understanding, so that they be oftimes more easilie to be governed and turned by skille than by force. There is therefore always hope, that by wise counsel and dextrous management, those advantages which through cross accidents in warre have been lost, may again with honour be recovered. In this place I shall say little of the power of money secretly distributed amongst grandees or their friends or mistresses, that method being in all ages known and practised. If the _minds_ of enemies can be _changed_, they may be brought to grant willingly and for nothing, what much golde would scarce lie have otherwise prevailed to obtaine. Yet as the procuring this change is to be by fitte instruments, some few doublones will not unprofitablie be disbursed by your Majestie; the manner whereof I shall now brieflie recite.

`In those countries, and particularly in England, there are not wanting men of learning, ingenious speakers and writers, who are neverthelesse in lowe estate and pinched by fortune; these being privatelie gained by proper meanes, must be instructed in their sermons, discourses, writings, poems and songs, to handle and specially inculcate points like these which followe. Let them magnify the blessings of peace and enlarge mightily thereon, which is not unbecoming grave Divines and other Christian men; let them expatiate on the miseries of warre, the waste of Christian bloode, the growing scarcitie of labourers and workmen, the dearness of all foreign wares and merchandises, the interruption of commerce by the captures or delay of ships, the increase and great burthen of taxes, and the impossibilitie of supplying much longer the expence of the contest; -- let them represent the warre as an unmeasurable advantage to particulars, and to particulars only (thereby to excite envie against those that manage and provide for the same) while so prejudicial to the Commonweale and people in general: let them represent the advantages gained against us as trivial and of little import; the places taken from us as of small trade or produce, inconvenient for situation, unwholesome for ayre and climate, useless to their nations, and greatly chargeable to keepe, draining the home Countries both of men and money: let them urge, that if a peace be forced on us, and those places withheld, it will nourishe secret griefe and malice in the King and Grandees of Spain, which will ere long breake forthe in new warres, wherein those places may again be retaken, and lost without the merit and grace of restoring them willingly for peace-sake: -- let them represent the making and continuance of warres from view of gaine, to be base and unworthie a brave people; as those made from view of ambition are mad and wicked; and let them insinuate that the continuance of the present warre on their parte, when peace is offered, hath these ingredients strongly in its nature. Then let them magnifie the great power of your Majestie, and the strength of your kingdome, the inexhaustible wealthe of your mines, the greatness of your incomes, and thence your abilitie of continuing the warre; hinting withal, the new alliances you may possibly make; at the same time setting forth the sincere disposition you have for peace, and that it is only a concerne for your honour and the honour of your realme, that induceth you to insist on the restitution of the places taken. -- If with all this they shrewdly intimate and cause it to be understood by artefull words, and beleeved, that their own Prince is himself in heart for peace on your Majesties termes, and grieved at the obstinacie and perverseness of those among his people that be for continuing the warre, a marvellous effect shall by these discourses and writings be produced; and a wonderful strong party shall your Majestie raise among your enemies in favour of the peace you desire; insomuch that their own Princes and wisest Councellours will in a sort be constrained to yeald thereto. For in this warre of words, the avarice and ambition, the hopes and fears, and all the croud of human passions, will, in the minds of your enemies, be raised, armed, and put in array, to fight for your interests, against the reall and substantiall interest of their own countries. The simple and undiscerning many, shall be carried away by the plausibilitie and well-seeming of these discourses; and the opinions becoming popular, all the rich men, who have great possessions, and fear the continuance of taxes, and hope peace will end them, shall be imboldened thereby to cry aloud for peace; -- their dependents who are many, must do the same: all marchants, fearing loss of ships and greater burthens on trade by farther duties and subsidies, and hoping greater profittes by the ending of the warre, shall join in the cry for peace: All the usurers and lenders of monies to the State, who on a peace hope great profit from their bargaines, and fear if the warre be continued, the State shall become bankeroute, and unable to pay them; these, who have no small weight, shall joine the cry for peace: -- All the gowne and booke-statesmen, who maligne the bold conductors of the warre, and envie the glorie they may have thereby obtained; these shall cry aloud for peace; hoping, that when the Warre shall cease, such men becoming less necessarie shall be more lightelie esteemed, and themselves more sought after: -- All the officers of the enemies armies and fleets, who wish for repose, and to enjoy their spoiles, salaries, or rewards, in quietness, and without peril, these, and their friends and families, who desire their safetie, and the solace of their societie, shall all cry for peace: -- All those who be timorous by nature, amongst whom be reckoned men of learning that lead sedentarie lives, using little exercise of bodie, and thence obtaining but few and weake spirits; great Statesmen, whose natural spirits be exhausted by much thinking, or depress'd by over-much feasting; together with all women, whose power, weake as they are, is not a little among such men; these shall incessantly speake for peace: And finallie, all Courtiers, who suppose they conforme thereby to the inclinations of the Prince; all who are _in_ places of profit, and fear to lose them, or hope for better; all who are _out_ of places, and hope to obtain them; all the worldly-minded clergie, who seeke preferment; these, with all the weight of their character and influence, shall joine the cry for peace, till it becomes one universal clamour, and no sound but that of _Peace, Peace, Peace,_ shall be heard from every quarter. Then shall your Majesties termes of peace be listened to with much readiness, the places taken from you be willingly restored, and your kingdome, recovering its strength, shall only need to waite a few years for more favourable occasions, when the advantages to your power proposed by beginning the warre, but lost by its bad successe, shall, with better fortune, be finallie obtained.'

What effect the artifices here recommended might have had in the times when this Jesuit wrote, I cannot pretend to say; but I believe, the present age being more enlightened, and our people better acquainted than formerly with our true national interests, such arts can now hardly prove so generally successful: For we may with pleasure observe, and to the honour of the British people, that though writings and discourses like these have lately not been wanting, yet few in any of the classes he particularises seem to be affected by them; but all ranks and degrees among us persist hitherto in declaring for a vigorous prosecution of the war, in preference to an unsafe, disadvantageous peace.

Yet, as a little change of fortune may make such writings more attended to, and give them greater weight, I think the publication of this piece, as it shows the spring from whence these scribblers draw their poisoned waters, may be of publick utility. I am, Sir, yours, &c. A BRITON.
_The London Chronicle_, August 13, 1761

_A Narrative of the Late Massacres, in Lancaster County, of a Number of Indians, Friends of this Province, by Persons Unknown_
WITH SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE SAME

These _Indians_ were the Remains of a Tribe of the _Six Nations_, settled at _Conestogoe_, and thence called _Conestogoe Indians._ On the first Arrival of the _English_ in _Pennsylvania_, Messengers from this Tribe came to welcome them, with Presents of Venison, Corn and Skins; and the whole Tribe entered into a Treaty of Friendship with the first Proprietor, WILLIAM PENN, which was to last "as long as the Sun should shine, or the Waters run in the Rivers."

This Treaty has been since frequently renewed, and the _Chain brightened_, as they express it, from time to time. It has never been violated, on their Part or ours, till now. As their Lands by Degrees were mostly purchased, and the Settlements of the White People began to surround them, the Proprietor assigned them Lands on the Manor of _Conestogoe_, which they might not part with; there they have lived many Years in Friendship with their White Neighbours, who loved them for their peaceable inoffensive Behaviour.

It has always been observed, that _Indians_, settled in the Neighbourhood of White People, do not increase, but diminish continually. This Tribe accordingly went on diminishing, till there remained in their Town on the Manor, but 20 Persons, _viz._ 7 Men, 5 Women, and 8 Children, Boys and Girls.

Of these, _Shehaes_ was a very old Man, having assisted at the second Treaty held with them, by Mr. PENN, in 1701, and ever since continued a faithful and affectionate Friend to the _English_; he is said to have been an exceeding good Man, considering his Education, being naturally of a most kind benevolent Temper.

_Peggy_ was _Shehaes_'s Daughter; she worked for her aged Father, continuing to live with him, though married, and attended him with filial Duty and Tenderness.

_John_ was another good old Man; his Son _Harry_ helped to support him.

_George_ and _Will Soc_ were two Brothers, both young Men.

_John Smith_, a valuable young Man, of the _Cayuga_ Nation, who became acquainted with _Peggy_, _Shehaes_'s Daughter, some few Years since, married her, and settled in that Family. They had one Child, about three Years old.

_Betty_, a harmless old Woman; and her Son _Peter_, a likely young Lad.

_Sally_, whose _Indian_ Name was _Wyanjoy_, a Woman much esteemed by all that knew her, for her prudent and good Behaviour in some very trying Situations of Life. She was a truly good and an amiable Woman, had no Children of her own, but a distant Relation dying, she had taken a Child of that Relation's, to bring up as her own, and performed towards it all the Duties of an affectionate Parent.

The Reader will observe, that many of their Names are _English_. It is common with the _Indians_ that have an Affection for the _English_, to give themselves, and their Children, the Names of such _English_ Persons as they particularly esteem.

This little Society continued the Custom they had begun, when more numerous, of addressing every new Governor, and every Descendant of the first Proprietor, welcoming him to the Province, assuring him of their Fidelity, and praying a Continuance of that Favour and Protection they had hitherto experienced. They had accordingly sent up an Address of this Kind to our present Governor, on his Arrival; but the same was scarce delivered, when the unfortunate Catastrophe happened, which we are about to relate.

On _Wednesday_, the 14th of _December_, 1763, Fifty-seven Men, from some of our Frontier Townships, who had projected the Destruction of this little Common-wealth, came, all well-mounted, and armed with Firelocks, Hangers and Hatchets, having travelled through the Country in the Night, to _Conestogoe_ Manor. There they surrounded the small Village of _Indian_ Huts, and just at Break of Day broke into them all at once. Only three Men, two Women, and a young Boy, were found at home, the rest being out among the neighbouring White People,some to sell the Baskets, Brooms and Bowls they manufactured, and others on other Occasions. These poor defenceless Creatures were immediately fired upon, stabbed and hatcheted to Death! The good _Shehaes_, among the rest, cut to Pieces in his Bed. All of them were scalped, and otherwise horribly mangled. Then their Huts were set on Fire, and most of them burnt down. When the Troop, pleased with their own Conduct and Bravery, but enraged that any of the poor _Indians_ had escaped the Massacre, rode off, and in small Parties, by different Roads, went home.

The universal Concern of the neighbouring White People on hearing of this Event, and the Lamentations of the younger _Indians_, when they returned and saw the Desolation, and the butchered half-burnt Bodies of their murdered Parents, and other Relations, cannot well be expressed.

The Magistrates of _Lancaster_ sent out to collect the remaining _Indians_, brought them into the Town for their better Security against any farther Attempt; and it is said condoled with them on the Misfortune that had happened, took them by the Hand, comforted and _promised them Protection_. -- They were all put into the Workhouse, a strong Building, as the Place of greatest Safety.

When the shocking News arrived in Town, a Proclamation was issued by the Governor, in the following Terms, _viz_.

"WHEREAS I have received Information, That on _Wednesday_, the Fourteenth Day of this Month, a Number of People, armed, and mounted on Horseback, unlawfully assembled together, and went to the _Indian_ Town in the _Conestogoe_ Manor, in _Lancaster_ County, and without the least Reason or Provocation, in cool Blood, barbarously killed six of the _Indians_ settled there, and burnt and destroyed all their Houses and Effects: And whereas so cruel and inhuman an Act, committed in the Heart of this Province on the said _Indians_, who have lived peaceably and inoffensively among us, during all our late Troubles, and for many Years before, and were justly considered as under the Protection of this Government and its Laws, calls loudly for the vigorous Exertion of the civil Authority, to detect the Offenders, and bring them to condign Punishment; I have therefore, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Council, thought fit to issue this Proclamation, and do hereby strictly charge and enjoin all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables, Officers Civil and Military, and all other His Majesty's liege Subjects within this Province, to make diligent Search and Enquiry after the Authors and Perpetrators of the said Crime, their Abettors and Accomplices, and to use all possible Means to apprehend and secure them in some of the publick Goals of this Province,that they may be brought to their Trials, and be proceeded against according to Law.

"And whereas a Number of other _Indians_, who lately lived on or near the Frontiers of this Province, being willing and desirous to preserve and continue the ancient Friendship which heretofore subsisted between them and the good People of this Province, have, at their own earnest Request, been removed from their Habitations, and brought into the County of _Philadelphia_, and seated, for the present, for their better Security, on the _Province-Island_, and in other Places in the Neighbourhood of the City of _Philadelphia_, where Provision is made for them at the public Expence; I do therefore hereby strictly forbid all Persons whatsoever, to molest or injure any of the said _Indians_, as they will answer the contrary at their Peril.

_GIVEN under my Hand,and the Great Seal of the said Province, at_ Philadelphia, _the Twenty-second Day of_ December, Anno Domini _One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-three, and in the Fourth Year of His Majesty's Reign._ JOHN PENN."
_By His Honour's Command,_
JOSEPH SHIPPEN, _jun. Secretary._
GOD Save the KING.

Notwithstanding this Proclamation, those cruel Men again assembled themselves, and hearing that the remaining fourteen _Indians_ were in the Work-house at _Lancaster_, they suddenly appeared in that Town, on the 27th of _December_. Fifty of them, armed as before, dismounting, went directly to the Work-house, and by Violence broke open the Door, and entered with the utmost Fury in their Countenances. -- When the poor Wretches saw they had _no Protection_ nigh, nor could possibly escape, and being without the least Weapon for Defence, they divided into their little Families, the Children clinging to the Parents; they fell on their Knees, protested their Innocence, declared their Love to the _English_, and that, in their whole Lives, they had never done them Injury; and in this Posture they all received the Hatchet! -- Men, Women and little Children -- were every one inhumanly murdered! -- in cold Blood!

The barbarous Men who committed the atrocious Fact, in Defiance of Government, of all Laws human and divine, and to the eternal Disgrace of their Country and Colour, then mounted their Horses, huzza'd in Triumph, as if they had gained a Victory, and rode off -- _unmolested!_

The Bodies of the Murdered were then brought out and exposed in the Street, till a Hole could be made in the Earth, to receive and cover them.

But the Wickedness cannot be covered, the Guilt will lie on the whole Land, till Justice is done on the Murderers. THE BLOOD OF THE INNOCENT WILL CRY TO HEAVEN FOR VENGEANCE.

It is said that _Shehaes_, being before told, that it was to be feared some _English_ might come from the Frontier into the Country, and murder him and his People; he replied, "It is impossible: There are _Indians_, indeed, in the Woods, who would kill me and mine, if they could get at us, for my Friendship to the _English_; but the _English_ will wrap me in their Matchcoat, and secure me from all Danger." How unfortunately was he mistaken!

Another Proclamation has been issued, offering a great Reward for apprehending the Murderers, in the following Terms, _viz._

"WHEREAS on the Twenty-second Day of _December_ last, I issued a Proclamation for the apprehending and bringing to Justice, a Number of Persons, who, in Violation of the Public Faith, and in Defiance of all Law, had inhumanly killed six of the _Indians_, who had lived in _Conestogoe_ Manor, for the Course of many Years, peaceably and inoffensively, under the Protection of this Government, on Lands assigned to them for their Habitation; notwithstanding which, I have received Information, that on the Twenty-seventh of the same Month, a large Party of armed Men again assembled and met together in a riotous and tumultuous Manner, in the County of _Lancaster_, and proceeded to the Town of _Lancaster_, where they violently broke open the Work-house, and butchered and put to Death fourteen of the said _Conestogoe Indians_, Men, Women and Children, who had been taken under the immediate Care and Protection of the Magistrates of the said County, and lodged for their better Security in the said Work-house, till they should be more effectually provided for by Order of the Government. And whereas common Justice loudly demands, and the Laws of the Land (upon the Preservation of which not only the Liberty and Security of every Individual, but the Being of the Government itself depend) require that the above Offenders should be brought to condign Punishment; I have therefore, by and with the Advice of the Council, published this Proclamation, and do hereby strictly charge and command all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables, Officers Civil and Military, and all other His Majesty's faithful and liege Subjects within this Province, to make diligent Search and Enquiry after the Authors and Perpetrators of the said last mentioned Offence, their Abettors and Accomplices, and that they use all possible Means to apprehend and secure them in some of the public Goals of this Province, to be dealt with according to Law.

"And I do hereby further promise and engage, that any Person or Persons, who shall apprehend and secure, or cause to be apprehended and secured, any Three of the Ringleaders of the said Party, and prosecute them to Conviction, shall have and receive for each, the public Reward of _Two Hundred Pounds_; and any Accomplice, not concerned in the immediate shedding the Blood of the said _Indians_, who shall make Discovery of any or either of the said Ringleaders, and apprehend and prosecute them to Conviction, shall, over and above the said Reward, have all the Weight and Influence of the Government, for obtaining His Majesty's Pardon for his Offence.

_GIVEN under my Hand, and the Great Seal of the said Province, at_ Philadelphia_, the Second Day of_ January, _in the _Fourth Year of His Majesty's Reign, and in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Sixty-four._ JOHN PENN."
_By His Honour's Command,_
JOSEPH SHIPPEN, _jun. Secretary._
GOD Save the KING.

These Proclamations have as yet produced no Discovery; the Murderers having given out such Threatenings against those that disapprove their Proceedings, that the whole County seems to be in Terror, and no one durst speak what he knows; even the Letters from thence are unsigned, in which any Dislike is expressed of the Rioters.

There are some (I am ashamed to hear it) who would extenuate the enormous Wickedness of these Actions, by saying, "The Inhabitants of the Frontiers are exasperated with the Murder of their Relations, by the Enemy _Indians_, in the present War." It is possible; -- but though this might justify their going out into the Woods, to seek for those Enemies, and avenge upon them those Murders; it can never justify their turning in to the Heart of the Country, to murder their Friends.

If an _Indian_ injures me, does it follow that I may revenge that Injury on all _Indians_? It is well known that _Indians_ are of different Tribes, Nations and Languages, as well as the White People. In _Europe_, if the _French_, who are White People, should injure the _Dutch_, are they to revenge it on the _English_, because they too are White People? The only Crime of these poor Wretches seems to have been, that they had a reddish brown Skin, and black Hair; and some People of that Sort, it seems, had murdered some of our Relations. If it be right to kill Men for such a Reason, then, should any Man, with a freckled Face and red Hair, kill a Wife or Child of mine, it would be right for me to revenge it, by killing all the freckled red-haired Men, Women and Children, I could afterwards any where meet with.

But it seems these People think they have a better Justification; nothing less than the _Word of God_. With the Scriptures in their Hands and Mouths, they can set at nought that express Command, _Thou shalt do no Murder_; and justify their Wickedness, by the Command given _Joshua_ to destroy the Heathen. Horrid Perversion of Scripture and of Religion! to father the worst of Crimeson the God of Peace and Love! -- Even the _Jews_, to whom that particular Commission was directed, spared the _Gibeonites_, on Account of their Faith once given. The Faith of this Government has been frequently given to those _Indians_; -- but that did not avail them with People who despise Government.

We pretend to be _Christians_, and, from the superior Light we enjoy, ought to exceed _Heathens_, _Turks_, _Saracens_, _Moors_, _Negroes_ and _Indians_, in the Knowledge and Practice of what is right. I will endeavour to show, by a few Examples from Books and History, the Sense those People have had of such Actions.

HOMER wrote his Poem, called the _Odyssey_, some Hundred Years before the Birth of Christ. He frequently speaks of what he calls not only _the Duties_, but _the sacred Rites of Hospitality_, (exercised towards Strangers, while in our House or Territory) as including, besides all the common Circumstances of Entertainment, full Safety and Protection of Person, from all Danger of Life, from all Injuries, and even Insults. The Rites of Hospitality were called _sacred_, because the Stranger, the Poor and the Weak, when they applied for Protection and Relief, were, from the Religion of those Times, supposed to be sent by the Deity to try the Goodness of Men, and that he would avenge the Injuries they might receive, where they ought to have been protected. -- These Sentiments therefore influenced the Manners of all Ranks of People, even the meanest; for we find that when _Ulysses_ came, as a poor Stranger, to the Hut of _Eumaeus_, the Swineherd, and his great Dogs ran out to tear the ragged Man, _Eumaeus_ drave them away with Stones; and
_Unhappy Stranger! (thus the faithful Swain
Began, with Accent gracious and humane)
What Sorrow had been mine, if at_ my _Gate

Thy rev'rend Age had met a shameful Fate?
------ But enter this my homely Roof, and see
Our Woods not void of Hospitality.
He said, and seconding the kind Request,
With friendly Step precedes the unknown Guest.

A shaggy Goat's soft Hide beneath him spread,
And with fresh Rushes heap'd an ample Bed.
Joy touch'd the Hero's tender Soul, to find
So_ just _Reception from a Heart so kind:
And oh, ye Gods! with all your Blessings grace
(He thus broke forth) this Friend of human Race!
The Swain reply'd. It never was our guise
To slight the Poor, or aught humane despise.
For_ Jove _unfolds the hospitable Door,
Tis_ Jove _that sends the Stranger and the Poor._

These Heathen People thought, that after a Breach of the Rites of Hospitality, a Curse from Heaven would attend them in every thing they did, and even their honest Industry in their Callings would fail of Success. -- Thus when _Ulysses_ tells _Eumaeus_, who doubted the Truth of what he related, _If I deceive you in this, I should deserve Death, and I consent that you should put me to Death_; _Eumaeus_ rejects the Proposal as what would be attended with both Infamy and Misfortune, saying ironically,
_Doubtless, oh Guest! great Laud and Praise were mine,
If, after social Rites and Gifts bestow'd,
I stain'd my Hospitable Hearth with Blood.
How would the Gods my righteous Toils succeed,
And bless the Hand that made a Stranger bleed?
No more. -- _

Even an open Enemy, in the Heat of Battle, throwing down his Arms, submitting to his Foe, and asking Life and Protection, was supposed to acquire an immediate Right to that Protection. Thus one describes his being saved, when his Party was defeated.

_We turn'd to Flight; the gath'ring Vengeance spread On all Parts round, and Heaps on Heaps lie dead. -- The radiant Helmet from my Brows unlac'd, And lo on Earth my Shield and Jav'lin cast, I meet the Monarch with a Suppliant's Face, Approach his Chariot, and his Knees embrace. He heard, he sav'd, he plac'd me at his Side; My State he pity'd, and my Tears he dry'd; Restrain'd the Rage the vengeful Foe express'd, And turn'd the deadly Weapons from my Breast. Pious_ to guard the Hospitable Rite, _And_ fearing Jove, _whom Mercy's Works delight._

The Suitors of _Penelope_ are by the same ancient Poet described as a Sett of lawless Men, who were _regardless of the sacred Rites of Hospitality_. And therefore when the Queen was informed they were slain, and that by _Ulysses_, she, not believing that _Ulysses_ was returned, says,
_Ah no! -- some God the Suitors Deaths decreed,
Some God descends, and by his Hand they bleed:
Blind, to contemn the Stranger's righteous Cause,_

And violate all hospitable Laws!
---------- _The Powers they defy'd;
But Heav'n is just, and by a God they dy'd._

Thus much for the Sentiments of the ancient _Heathens_. -- As for the _Turks_, it is recorded in the Life of _Mahomet_, the Founder of their Religion, that _Khaled_, one of his Captains, having divided a Number of Prisoners between himself and those that were with him, he commanded the Hands of his own Prisoners to be tied behind them, and then, in a most cruel and brutal Manner, put them to the Sword; but he could not prevail on his Men to massacre _their_ Captives, because in Fight they had laid down their Arms, submitted, and demanded Protection. _Mahomet_, when the Account was brought to him, applauded the Men for their Humanity; but said to _Khaled_, with great Indignation, _Oh_ Khaled, _thou Butcher, cease to molest me with thy Wickedness. -- If thou possessedst a Heap of Gold as large as Mount_ Obod, _and shouldst expend it all in God's Cause, thy Merit would not efface the Guilt incurred by the Murder of the meanest of those poor Captives._

Among the _Arabs_ or _Saracens_, thought it was lawful to put to Death a Prisoner taken in Battle, if he had made himself obnoxious by his former Wickedness, yet this could not be done after he had once eaten Bread, or drank Water, while in their Hands. Hence we read in the History of the Wars of the _Holy Land_, that when the _Franks_ had suffered a great Defeat
from _Saladin_, and among the Prisoners were the King of _Jerusalem_, and _Arnold_, a famous Christian Captain, who had been very cruel to the _Saracens_; these two being brought before the Soltan, he placed the King on his right Hand, and _Arnold_ on his left; and then presented the King with a Cup of Water, who immediately drank to _Arnold_; but when _Arnold_ was about to receive the Cup, the Soltan interrupted, saying, _I will not suffer this wicked Man to drink, as that, according to the laudable and generous Custom of the_ Arabs, _would secure him his Life._

That the same laudable and generous Custom still prevails among the _Mahometans_, appears from the Account but last Year published of his Travels by Mr. _Bell_ of _Antermony_, who accompanied the Czar _Peter_ the Great, in his Journey to _Derbent_ through _Daggestan_. "The Religion of the _Daggestans_, says he, is generally _Mahometan_, some following the Sect of _Osman_, others that of _Haly_. Their Language for the most Part is _Turkish_, or rather a Dialect of the _Arabic_, though many of them speak also the _Persian_ Language. One Article I cannot omit concerning their Laws of Hospitality, which is, if their greatest Enemy comes under their Roof for Protection, the Landlord, of what Condition soever, is obliged to keep him safe, from all Manner of Harm or Violence, during his Abode with him, and even to conduct him safely through his Territories to a Place of Security." --

From the _Saracens_ this same Custom obtained among the _Moors_ of _Africa_; was by them brought into _Spain_, and there long sacredly observed. The _Spanish_ Historians record with Applause one famous Instance of it. While the _Moors_ governed there, and the _Spaniards_ were mixed with them, a _Spanish_ Cavalier, in a sudden Quarrel, slew a young _Moorish_ Gentleman, and fled. His Pursuers soon lost Sight of him, for he had, unperceived, thrown himself over a Garden Wall. The Owner, a _Moor_, happening to be in his Garden, was addressed by the _Spaniard_ on his Knees, who acquainted him with his Case, and implored Concealment. _Eat this,_ said the _Moor_, giving him Half a Peach; _you now know that you may confide in my Protection_. He then locked him up in his Garden Apartment, telling him,that as soon as it was Night he would provide for his Escape to a Place of more Safety. -- The _Moor_ then went into his House, where he had scarce seated himself, when a great Croud, with loud Lamentations, came to his Gate, bringing the Corps of his Son, that had just been killed by a _Spaniard_. When the first Shock of Surprize was a little over, he learnt, from the Description given, that the fatal Deed was done by the Person then in his Power. He mentioned this to no One; but as soon as it was dark, retired to his Garden Apartment, as if to grieve alone, giving Orders that none should follow him. There accosting the _Spaniard_, he said, _Christian, the Person you have killed, is my Son: His Body is now in my House. You ought to suffer; but you have eaten with me, and I have given you my Faith, which must not be broken. Follow me. -- _ He then led the astonished _Spaniard_ to his Stables, mounted him on one of his fleetest Horses, and said, _Fly far while the Night can cover you. You will be safe in the Morning. You are indeed guilty of my Son's Blood, but God is just and good, and I thank him that I am innocent of yours, and that my Faith given is preserved._

The _Spaniards_ caught from the _Moors_ this _Punto_ of Honour, the Effects of which remain, in a great Degree, to this Day. So that when there is Fear of a War about to break out between _England_ and _Spain_, an _English_ Merchant there, who apprehends the Confiscation of his Goods as the Goods of an Enemy, thinks them safe, if he can get a _Spaniard_ to take Charge of them; for the _Spaniard_ secures them as his own, and faithfully redelivers them, or pays the Value, whenever the _Englishman_ can safely demand it.

Justice to that Nation, though lately our Enemies, and hardly yet our cordial Friends, obliges me,on this Occasion, not to omit mentioning an Instance of _Spanish_ Honour, which cannot but be still fresh in the Memory of many yet living. In 1746, when we were in hot War with _Spain_, the _Elizabeth_, of _London_, Captain _William Edwards_, coming through the Gulph from _Jamaica_, richly laden, met with a most violent Storm, in which the Ship sprung a Leak, that obliged them,for the Saving of their Lives, to run her into the _Havannah_. The Captain went on Shore, directly waited on the Governor, told the Occasion of his putting in, and that he surrendered his Ship as a Prize, and himself and his Men as Prisoners of War, only requesting good Quarter. _No, Sir,_ replied the _Spanish_ Governor, _If we had taken you in fair War at Sea, or approaching our Coast with hostile Intentions, your Ship would then have been a Prize, and your People Prisoners. But when distressed by a Tempest, you come into our Ports for the Safety of your Lives, we, though Enemies, being Men, are bound as such, by the Laws of Humanity, to afford Relief to distressed Men, who ask it of us. We cannot, even against our Enemies, take Advantage of an Act of God. You have Leave therefore to unload your Ship, if that be necessary, to stop the Leak; you may refit here, and traffick so far as shall be necessary to pay the Charges; you may then depart, and I will give you a Pass, to be in Force till you are beyond_ Bermuda. _If after that you are taken, you will then be a Prize, but now you are only a Stranger, and have a Stranger's Right to Safety and Protection. -- _ The Ship accordingly departed, and arrived safe in _London_.

Will it be permitted me to adduce, on this Occasion, an Instance of the like Honour in a poor unenlightened _African Negroe_. I find it in Capt. _Seagrave_'s Account of his Voyage to _Guinea_. He relates that a _New-England_ Sloop, trading there in 1752, left their second Mate, _William Murray_, sick on Shore, and sailed without him. _Murray_ was at the House of a Black, named _Cudjoe_, with whom he had contracted an Acquaintance during their Trade. He recovered,and the Sloop being gone, he continued with his black Friend, till some other Opportunity should offer of his getting home. In the mean while, a _Dutch_ Ship came into the Road, and some of the Blacks going on board her, were treacherously seized, and carried off as Slaves. Their Relations and Friends, transported with sudden Rage, ran to the House of _Cudjoe_ to take Revenge, by killing _Murray_. _Cudjoe_ stopt them at the Door, and demanded what they wanted? The White Men, said they, have carried away our Brothers and Sons, and we will kill all White Men; -- give us the White Man that you keep in your House, for we will kill him. _Nay,_ said _Cudjoe_; _the White Men that carried away your Brothers are bad Men, kill them when you can catch them; but this White Man is a good Man, and you must not kill him. -- _ But he is a White Man, they cried; the White Men are all bad; we will kill them all. -- _Nay,_ says he, _you must not kill a Man, that has done no Harm, only for being_ _white. This Man is my Friend, my House is his Fort, and I am his Soldier. I must fight for him. You must kill me, before you can kill him. -- What good Man will ever come again under my Roof,if I let my Floor be stained with a good Man's Blood! -- _ The _Negroes_ seeing his Resolution, and being convinced by his Discourse that they were wrong, went away ashamed. In a few Days _Murray_ ventured abroad again with _Cudjoe_, when several of them took him by the Hand, and told him they were glad they had not killed him;for as he was a good (meaning an innocent) Man, _their God would have been angry, and would have spoiled their Fishing. -- _ I relate this, says Captain _Seagrave_, to show, that some among these dark People have a strong Sense of Justice and Honour, and that even the most brutal among them are capable of feeling the Force of Reason, and of being influenced by a Fear of God (if the Knowledge of the true God could be introduced among them) since even the Fear of a false God, when their Rage subsided, was not without its good Effect.

Now I am about to mention something of _Indians_, I beg that I may not be understood as framing Apologies for _all Indians_. I am far from desiring to lessen the laudable Spirit of Resentment in my Countrymen against those now at War with us, so far as it is justified by their Perfidy and Inhumanity. -- I would only observe that the _Six Nations_, as a Body, have kept Faith with the _English_ ever since we knew them, now near an Hundred Years; and that the governing Part of those People have had Notions of Honour, whatever may be the Case with the Rum-debauched, Trader-corrupted Vagabonds and Thieves on _Sasquehannah_ and the _Ohio_, at present in Arms against us. -- As a Proof of that Honour, I shall only mention one well-known recent Fact. When six _Catawba_ Deputies, under the Care of Colonel _Bull_, of _Charlestown_, went by Permission into the _Mohawks_ Country, to sue for and treat of Peace for their Nation, they soon found the _Six Nations_ highly exasperated, and the Peace at that Time impracticable: They were therefore in Fear for their own Persons, and apprehended that they should be killed in their Way back to _New-York_; which being made known to the _Mohawk_ Chiefs, by Colonel _Bull_, one of them, by Order of the Council, made this Speech to the _Catawbas_: --

"_Strangers and Enemies,_

"While you are in this Country, blow away all Fear out of your Breasts; change the black Streak of Paint on your Cheek for a red One, and let your Faces shine with Bear's-Grease: You are safer here than if you were at home. The _Six Nations_ will not defile their own Land with the Blood of Men that come unarmed to ask for Peace. We shall send a Guard with you, to see you safe out of our Territories. So far you shall have Peace, but no farther. Get home to your own Country, and there take Care of yourselves, for there we intend to come and kill you."

The _Catawbas_ came away unhurt accordingly.

It is also well known, that just before the late War broke out, when our Traders first went among the _Piankeshaw Indians_, a Tribe of the _Twightwees_, they found the Principle of _giving Protection to Strangers_ in full Force; for the _French_ coming with their _Indians_ to the _Piankeshaw_ Town, and demanding that those Traders and their Goods should be delivered up; -- the _Piankeshaws_ replied, the _English_ were come there upon their Invitation, and they could not do so base a Thing. But the _French_ insisting on it, the _Piankeshaws_ took Arms in Defence of their Guests, and a Number of them, with their old Chief, lost their Lives in the Cause; the _French_ at last prevailing by superior Force only.

I will not dissemble that numberless Stories have been raised and spread abroad, against not only the poor Wretches that are murdered, but also against the Hundred and Forty christianized _Indians_, still threatned to be murdered; all which Stories are well known, by those who know the _Indians_ best, to be pure Inventions, contrived by bad People, either to excite each other to join in the Murder, or since it was committed, to justify it; and believed only by the Weak and Credulous. I call thus publickly on the Makers and Venders of these Accusations to produce their Evidence. Let them satisfy the Public that even _Will Soc_, the most obnoxious of all that Tribe, was really guilty of those Offences against us which they lay to his Charge. But if he was, ought he not to have been fairly tried? He lived under our Laws, and was subject to them; he was in our Hands, and might easily have been prosecuted; was it _English Justice_ to condemn and execute him unheard? Conscious of his own Innocence, he did not endeavour to hide himself when the Door of the Work-house, his Sanctuary, was breaking open; _I will meet them,_ says he, _for they are my Brothers_. These Brothers of his shot him down at the Door, while the Word Brothers was still between his Teeth! -- But if _Will Soc_ was a bad Man, what had poor old _Shehaes_ done? what could he or the other poor old Men and Women do? What had little Boys and Girls done; what could Children of a Year old, Babes at the Breast, what could they do, that they too must be shot and hatcheted? -- Horrid to relate! -- and in their Parents Arms! This is done by no civilized Nation in _Europe_. Do we come to _America_ to learn and practise the Manners of _Barbarians_? But this, _Barbarians_ as they are, they practise against their Enemies only, not against their Friends. --

These poor People have been always our Friends. Their Fathers received ours, when Strangers here, with Kindness and Hospitality. Behold the Return we have made them! -- When we grew more numerous and powerful, they put themselves under our _Protection_. See, in the mangled Corpses of the last Remains of the Tribe, how effectually we have afforded it to them! --

Unhappy People! to have lived in such Times, and by such Neighbours! -- We have seen, that they would have been safer among the ancient _Heathens_, with whom the Rites of Hospitality were _sacred_. -- They would have been considered as _Guests_ of the Publick, and the Religion of the Country would have operated in their Favour. But our Frontier People call themselves _Christians_! -- They would have been safer, if they had submitted to the _Turks_; for ever since _Mahomet_'s Reproof to _Khaled_, even the _cruel Turks_, never kill Prisoners in cold Blood. These were not even Prisoners: -- But what is the Example of _Turks_ to Scripture _Christians_? -- They would have been safer, though they had been taken in actual War against the _Saracens_, if they had once drank Water with them. These were not taken in War against us, and have drank with us, and we with them, for Fourscore Years. -- But shall we compare _Saracens_ to _Christians_? -- They would have been safer among the _Moors_ in _Spain_, though they had been _Murderers of Sons_; if Faith had once been pledged to them, and a Promise of Protection given. But these have had the Faith of the _English_ given to them many Times by the Government, and, in Reliance on that Faith, they lived among us, and gave us the Opportunity of murdering them. -- However, what was honourable in _Moors_, may not be a Rule to us; for we are _Christians_! -- They would have been safer it seems among _Popish Spaniards_, even if Enemies, and delivered into their Hands by a Tempest. These were not Enemies; they were born among us, and yet we have killed them all. -- But shall we imitate _idolatrous Papists_, we that are _enlightened Protestants_? -- They would even have been safer among the _Negroes_ of _Africa_, where at least one manly Soul would have been found, with Sense, Spirit and Humanity enough, to stand in their Defence: -- But shall _Whitemen_ and _Christians_ act like a _Pagan Negroe_? -- In short it appears, that they would have been safe in any Part of the known World, -- except in the Neighbourhood of the CHRISTIAN WHITE SAVAGES of _Peckstang_ and _Donegall_! --

O ye unhappy Perpetrators of this horrid Wickedness! Reflect a Moment on the Mischief ye have done, the Disgrace ye have brought on your Country, on your Religion, and your Bible, on your Families and Children! Think on the Destruction of your captivated Country-folks (now among the wild _Indians_) which probably may follow, in Resentment of your Barbarity! Think on the Wrath of the United _Five Nations_, hitherto our Friends, but now provoked by your murdering one of their Tribes, in Danger of becoming our bitter Enemies. -- Think of the mild and good Government you have so audaciously insulted; the Laws of your King, your Country, and your GOD, that you have broken; the infamous Death that hangs over your Heads: -- For JUSTICE, though slow, will come at last. -- All good People every where detest your Actions. -- You have imbrued your Hands in innocent Blood; how will you make them clean? -- The dying Shrieks and Groans of the Murdered, will often sound in your Ears: Their Spectres will sometimes attend you, and affright even your innocent Children! -- Fly where you will, your Consciences will go with you: -- Talking in your Sleep shall betray you, in the Delirium of a Fever you yourselves shall make your own Wickedness known.

One Hundred and Forty peaceable _Indians_ yet remain in this Government. They have, by Christian Missionaries, been brought over to a _Liking_, at least, of our Religion; some of them lately left their Nation which is now at War with us, because they did not chuse to join with them in their Depredations; and to shew their Confidence in us, and to give us an equal Confidence in them, they have brought and put into our Hands their Wives and Children. Others have lived long among us in _Northampton_ County, and most of their Children have been born there. These are all now trembling for their Lives. They have been hurried from Place to Place for Safety, now concealed in Corners, then sent out of the Province, refused a Passage through a neighbouring Colony, and returned, not unkindly perhaps, but disgracefully, on our Hands. O _Pennsylvania_! once renowned for Kindness to Strangers, shall the Clamours of a few mean Niggards about the Expence of this _Publick Hospitality_, an Expence that will not cost the noisy Wretches _Sixpence_ a Piece (and what is the Expence of the poor Maintenance we afford them, compared to the Expence they might occasion if in Arms against us) shall so senseless a Clamour, I say, force you to turn out of your Doors these unhappy Guests, who have offended their own Country-folks by their Affection for you, who,confiding in your Goodness, have put themselves under your Protection? Those whom you have disarmed to satisfy groundless Suspicions, will you leave them exposed to the armed Madmen of your Country? -- Unmanly Men! who are not ashamed to come with Weapons against the Unarmed, to use the Sword against Women, and the Bayonet against young Children; and who have already given such bloody Proofs of their Inhumanity and Cruelty. -- Let us rouze ourselves, for Shame, and redeem the Honour of our Province from the Contempt of its Neighbours; let all good Men join heartily and unanimously in Support of the Laws, and in strengthening the Hands of Government; that JUSTICE may be done, the Wicked punished, and the Innocent protected; otherwise we can, as a People, expect no Blessing from Heaven, there will be no Security for our Persons or Properties; Anarchy and Confusion will prevail over all, and Violence, without Judgment, dispose of every Thing.

When I mention the Baseness of the Murderers, in the Use they made of Arms, I cannot, I ought not to forget, the very different Behaviour of _brave Men_ and _true Soldiers_, of which this melancholy Occasion has afforded us fresh Instances. The _Royal Highlanders_ have, in the Course of this War, suffered as much as any other Corps, and have frequently had their Ranks thinn'd by an _Indian_ Enemy; yet they did not for this retain a brutal undistinguishing Resentment against _all Indians_, Friends as well as Foes. But a Company of them happening to be here, when the 140 poor _Indians_ above mentioned were thought in too much Danger to stay longer in the Province, chearfully undertook to protect and escort them to _New-York_, which they executed (as far as that Government would permit the _Indians_ to come) with Fidelity and Honour; and their Captain _Robinson_, is justly applauded and honoured by all sensible and good People, for the Care, Tenderness and Humanity, with which he treated those unhappy Fugitives, during their March in this severe Season. General _Gage_, too, has approved of his Officer's Conduct, and, as I hear, ordered him to remain with the _Indians_ at _Amboy_, and continue his Protection to them, till another Body of the King's Forces could be sent to relieve his Company, and escort their Charge back in Safety to _Philadelphia_, where his Excellency has had the Goodness to direct those Forces to remain for some Time,under the Orders of our Governor, for the Security of the _Indians_; the Troops of this Province being at present necessarily posted on the Frontier. Such just and generous Actions endear the Military to the Civil Power, and impress the Minds of all the Discerning with a still greater Respect for our national Government. -- I shall conclude with observing, that _Cowards_ can handle Arms, can strike where they are sure to meet with no Return, can wound, mangle and murder; but it belongs to _brave_ Men to spare, and to protect; for, as the Poet says,

------ _Mercy still sways the Brave_.

Philadelphia, 1764

_The Duke of York's Travels_ _To the Printer of the_ Public Advertiser.

SIR, I have observed all the News-papers have of late taken great Liberties with a noble Personage nearly allied to his Majesty. They have one Day made him Commander of a Fleet in the Mediterranean; again in the Channel; then to hoist his Flag on board a Yatcht, and go on a grand Commission to Copenhagen; then to take a Tour to Brunswick, and so parade all over Germany to our unsatisfied Ally the King of Prussia; then he is said to commence Admiral again, and go with a large Fleet to America; first for a little Amusement to go a Cod Fishing with Monsieurs, and then to range the Continent, and I suppose they mean to go a Wood-hunting with the Cherokee Kings; these are the Peregrinations, Mr. Woodfall, that our noble Duke is to be sent upon; but indeed I am much surprised in all their high-flown Schemes they have never thought of sending him with a grand Squadron to East India up the Ganges to call upon the Nabob, and then advance and pay a Visit to the Great Mogul, and afterwards sail for China, and go up to see the Grandeur of the Court of Pekin: This would have been a fine Subject to have enlarged upon, and they might have thrown in how many sumptuous Barges were building to be sent on board the Squadron to be put together in India, and advance up the River with the utmost Magnificence. If these Hints will be any ways instructive to the News-writers, I shall be happy to have pleased so useful a Body of Men in this great City; and am Mr. Woodfall's most humble Servant, _Pimlico, May_ 10. The SPECTATOR.
_The Public Advertiser_, May 15, 1765

_The Grand Leap of the Whale_ _To the Printer of the_ Public Advertiser.

SIR, In your Paper of Wednesday last, an ingenious Correspondent that calls himself _the_ SPECTATOR, and dates from _Pimlico_, under the Guise of Good-Will to the News-Writers, whom he allows to be "an useful Body of Men in this great City," has, in my Opinion artfully attempted to turn them and their Works into Ridicule; wherein, if he could succeed, great Injury might be done to the Public, as well as to those good People.

Supposing, Sir, that the _We hears_ they give us of this and t'other intended Voyage, or Tour of this and t'other great Personage, were mere Inventions, yet they at least afford us an innocent Amusement while we read, and useful Matter of Conversation when we are disposed to converse. Englishmen, Sir, are too apt to be silent when they have nothing to say; too apt to be sullen when they are silent, and when they are sullen to h -- g themselves. But by these _We Hears_ we are supplied with abundant Fund of Discourse: We discuss the Motives to such Voyages, the Probability of their being undertaken, and the Practicability of their Execution. Here we can display our Judgment in Politics, our Knowledge of the Interests of Princes, and our Skill in Geography; and (if we have it) shew our Dexterity moreover in Argumentation. In the mean time, the tedious Hours is killed; we go home pleased with the Applauses we have received from others, or at least with those we secretly give to ourselves; we sleep soundly, and live on, to the Comfort of our Families.

But, Sir, I beg leave to say, that all the Articles of News, that seem improbable, are not mere Inventions. Some of them, I can assure you on the Faith of a Traveller, are serious Truths. And here, quitting Mr. Spectator of Pimlico, give me Leave to instance the various numberless Accounts the News-Writers have given us (with so much honest Zeal for the Welfare of Poor Old England!) of the establishing Manufactures in the Colonies to the Prejudice of those of this Kingdom. It is objected by superficial Readers, who yet pretend to some Knowledge of those Countries, that such
Establishments are not only improbable but impossible; for that their Sheep have but little Wool, not in the whole sufficient for a Pair of Stockings a Yea